Kazakhstan Local Politics - The Times Of Central Asia

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Constitution

Kazakhstan’s Constitutional Referendum Opens the Door to Major Institutional Reform

Kazakhstan will hold its constitutional referendum on March 15 on a draft that would replace the current bicameral parliamentary structure, restore the vice presidency, and reset the legal framework for the country’s post-2022 political order. The Central Referendum Commission has presented the vote as procedurally ready. On February 20, Qazinform reported that the commission had briefed the OSCE/ODIHR mission on preparations, saying infrastructure upgrades at all polling stations were complete, that voter lists included 12,416,759 eligible citizens, and that online services would allow voters to check their registration status. The same report said that public information efforts were underway across multiple channels, including personalized voter invitations with QR codes, and that the legal conditions were in place for accredited civic associations, non-profit organizations, and media representatives to work at polling stations. Administrative readiness, however, is only part of the story. The referendum’s significance lies in what adoption would change and what measures will be employed to move to the implementation stage afterward. Earlier TCA coverage examined the draft’s broader constitutional architecture and discussed its implications for the reordering of state authority. The issue now is narrower. A “yes” vote would approve a new institutional framework, but it would not by itself answer every question about how that framework will be interpreted, implemented, or used. However, the new constitution could allow future laws to move through parliament more expeditiously. The referendum is more than a routine exercise in constitutional amendment. The move announced in February was toward a new constitution rather than a narrower package of revisions. The draft would replace the current bicameral parliament with a single chamber, reduce the number of lawmakers, and reinstate the office of vice president. The text now before voters is being treated as a new basic law, not merely as a technical adjustment to the 1995 constitution. If approved, it will establish a new legal baseline from which later political interpretation begins. In addition, adoption would set a tight institutional timetable. If approved, the constitution would enter into force on July 1, and parliamentary elections would follow in August. Polling will take place at 10,402 stations, including 71 abroad, and official results must be published within seven days. In practical terms, March 15 would settle the text and begin the transition from constitutional approval to institutional implementation. That implementation phase has its own political weight. The referendum is considered valid if more than half of the eligible voters participate. The draft constitution will be adopted if a majority of those voting support it, provided the measure also receives majority support in at least two-thirds of Kazakhstan’s regions, cities of national significance, and the capital. Those thresholds are not unusual, but in this case, the authorities are seeking a public mandate for a new constitutional order. At the same time, the package also reaches beyond institutional mechanics. The draft would change the constitutional wording on the Russian language so that it would be used “along with” Kazakh rather than “on an equal footing” with it, and...

Kazakhstan Referendum

Kazakhstan Faces Landmark Constitutional Referendum

On March 15, citizens will vote in a nationwide referendum on sweeping constitutional amendments that could significantly reshape Kazakhstan’s political system. Kazakhstan’s Constitution has undergone periodic revision since independence, with changes adopted in 1998, 2007, 2011, 2017, 2019, and most recently in 2022, when 56 amendments to the basic law were approved in a national referendum. According to official statements, the proposed draft would affect about 84% of the Constitution, making it the most extensive revision in the country’s modern history. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has described the proposed document as “essentially a new Constitution.” At the same time, the draft retains several core principles. Kazakhstan would continue to be defined as a secular, democratic, unitary state, with the people recognized as the sole source of state power. Attempts to overthrow the constitutional order would remain punishable by law. The draft also proposes the creation of a new representative body, the Kurultai, which would replace the current bicameral parliament, consisting of the Mazhilis (lower house) and the Senate (upper house), with a unicameral legislature. The scale of the proposed reforms has generated significant public attention. The draft Constitution has been widely debated, and the referendum campaign has been accompanied by a large-scale public information effort. Supporters argue that the changes could streamline governance and modernize political institutions, while critics have raised concerns about the concentration of authority and the pace of reform. Rights and Freedoms The current Constitution states that human rights and freedoms must not infringe on the rights of others, the constitutional order, or public morality. The new draft expands this provision, specifying that the exercise of rights and freedoms must not violate the rights or restrict the freedoms of other individuals, undermine the constitutional order, disrupt public order, threaten public health, or contradict societal morality. The document continues to guarantee freedom of speech and prohibit censorship, stating, “Freedom of speech and scientific, technical, and artistic creativity is guaranteed.” It also introduces an additional clause stipulating that the dissemination of information must not infringe upon the honor and dignity of others, public health, or public order. The list of prohibited forms of propaganda is also broadened. It includes advocacy for violent changes to the constitutional order, violations of territorial integrity and sovereignty, threats to national security, incitement to war or armed conflict, and the promotion of social, racial, national, ethnic, or religious superiority or discord, as well as the glorification of cruelty and violence. Supporters of the draft say these provisions are intended to strengthen social stability and national security. However, some observers note that broader restrictions linked to public order or morality may raise questions about how such norms would be interpreted and applied in practice. In family law, the draft specifies that marriage is defined as a voluntary and equal union between a man and a woman, registered by the state in accordance with the law. President and Vice President Proposed changes to the structure of executive power have been among the most widely discussed aspects of the...

Children's Rights

The Children of Kazakhstan Concept: Reality and Barriers to Implementation

The 2026-2030 Children of Kazakhstan Concept, approved by the Kazakh government, introduces new standards for the protection of children’s rights. The document is largely based on modern international approaches to social policy. However, its implementation may face a number of systemic barriers characteristic of Kazakhstan’s institutional environment. Honest Acknowledgment of Problems The authors of the concept do not attempt to downplay existing challenges. The document openly recognises serious issues in the field of child protection. In 2024, 2,693 crimes against minors were registered. In 2025, the figure stood at 2,603. Of these, nearly 900 cases involved sexual abuse. Particularly alarming is the fact that 60-70% of such crimes are committed by individuals close to the child, including parents, stepfathers, relatives, or neighbours. Another critical issue is the mental health of adolescents. Kazakhstan remains among the countries with high rates of youth suicide. According to psychologists cited in the Kazakh media, over the past two years, approximately 300 suicides among children have been recorded nationwide, while nearly 600 more adolescents have attempted suicide. The scale of the problem is reflected in the workload of the 111 national contact centre. In 2025, the service received 145,000 calls and 121,000 text messages. The high volume of messages sent via QR codes suggests that many children find it psychologically easier to report abuse in writing than in person. The state also acknowledges shortcomings in the healthcare system. Children’s hospitals face shortages of medical equipment, particularly in intensive care units. The situation is most difficult in remote regions, where insufficient equipment can directly affect children’s chances of survival in emergency situations. Another serious concern is the shortage of specialists. Kazakhstan lacks sufficient numbers of child psychiatrists and clinical psychologists. The deficit is particularly acute in regional areas. At the same time, many parents conceal their children’s psychological problems for fear of social stigma, leading to delayed diagnosis and complicating suicide prevention efforts. Staff Shortages Versus High Standards The concept emphasises early prevention. One of its key instruments is a case-management mechanism involving individual support for families and children by trained specialists. The intention is to shift from crisis response to systematic preventive work. However, the implementation of this model faces serious limitations. The main challenge is the acute shortage of personnel and insufficient levels of professional training among specialists in the field. Independent experts point to systemic weaknesses in the training of psychologists. Many public-sector employees lack the qualifications required to work with adolescents experiencing severe psychological distress. In addition, the professions of school psychologist and social pedagogue remain poorly paid. Experienced specialists often move to the private sector, where salaries can be three to four times higher. Digitalization Outpacing Infrastructure The government is placing a significant emphasis on digital tools. One of the flagship initiatives is the FSM Social system, known as the Digital Family Map. The system analyses dozens of socio-economic indicators and is designed to identify families at risk. However, digitalization is currently outpacing infrastructure development. Analysts caution that digital systems cannot...

Kazakhstan Referendum

Kazakhstan Reduces Number of Overseas Polling Stations for Referendum

Kazakhstan has reduced the number of overseas polling stations for the nationwide referendum scheduled for March 15 due to the deteriorating security situation in the Middle East. The announcement was made by Yerlan Alimbayev, Ambassador-at-Large at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Times of Central Asia previously reported the announcement of a referendum on adopting a new constitution. Among the most notable proposed changes are a transition from a bicameral parliament to a unicameral body known as the Kurultai; the restoration of the position of vice president; and the enshrinement in the basic law of commitments to digital transformation, economic modernization, and the strengthening of sovereignty. Some Kazakh citizens will vote abroad, but the number of overseas polling stations has been reduced in response to military escalation in the Middle East. Military operations in the region, including on Iranian territory, began on February 28. “Due to the escalation of the situation in the Middle East and taking into account security considerations, it was decided to reduce the number of polling stations by 11 across ten countries. As a result, 71 polling stations will operate in 54 countries at Kazakhstan’s foreign missions. The number of registered voters abroad is 14,230,” Alimbayev said. According to him, referendum commissions have already been formed at Kazakhstan’s diplomatic missions. All commission members have been tested on their knowledge of the law and have received the appropriate certification. “We can assure you that all polling stations are ready to operate. Information materials, ballot boxes, and ballots have been delivered. Starting tomorrow, they will be sent via diplomatic mail,” the Foreign Ministry representative added. According to the ministry, at the time the conflict escalated in the Middle East there were more than 10,000 Kazakh citizens in countries across the region, including 47 in Iran, 163 in Israel, more than 3,000 in Qatar, more than 4,000 in the United Arab Emirates, and about 1,800 in Saudi Arabia. As of March 10, 8,585 Kazakh citizens had been evacuated from conflict-affected areas, according to Foreign Ministry spokesman Yerlan Zhetibayev. “We are doing everything possible to ensure the safety of our citizens and are providing the necessary support. At this time, we have received no information about Kazakh citizens who have been killed or injured,” he said.

Criminal Code

Kazakh Politician Proposes Softer Punishment for Citizens Who Join Foreign Military Conflicts

Zharkynbek Amantaiuly, a member of the Mazhilis, the lower house of Kazakhstan’s parliament, has submitted a request to Prosecutor General Berik Asylov and Interior Minister Yerzhan Sadenov proposing that penalties be reconsidered for Kazakh citizens who participate in armed conflicts abroad. According to the lawmaker, growing geopolitical tensions and the increasing number of armed conflicts worldwide are contributing to a rise in the number of Kazakh citizens involved in hostilities outside the country. He noted that groups recruiting foreign citizens often rely on deception and targeted recruitment campaigns to attract participants. “Unfortunately, the number of our compatriots who have fallen under such influence is growing,” Amantaiuly said. According to data cited by him, 23 criminal cases were opened in Kazakhstan in 2023 under Article 172 of the Criminal Code, which concerns participation in foreign armed conflicts. The number increased to 36 cases in 2024 and rose sharply to 141 in 2025. Of the cases registered in 2025, 26 citizens have been convicted. The offense carries a prison sentence of between five and nine years. Amantaiuly argued that many citizens end up in conflict zones due to social difficulties, misconceptions, or deception, often after being promised high-paying jobs. “Of course, no one goes to an armed conflict zone without a reason. Many of those who find themselves in such situations say they hoped to obtain well-paid employment. When they realize they have been deceived, they become involved in bloody battles in a foreign country and understand that there is almost no way back. Their parents, families, and loved ones suffer as a result,” he said. He also noted that in some countries, participation in hostilities as part of the official armed forces of a foreign state is not considered a criminal offense. According to Amantaiuly, strict criminal liability is typically applied to individuals who join terrorist organizations, commit war crimes, or act against the national interests of their own country. For this reason, the deputy proposed studying international legal practices and preparing amendments to Kazakhstan’s criminal legislation governing citizens’ participation in armed conflicts abroad. In his view, the law should introduce a mechanism for differentiated legal assessment. Such a framework could allow for suspended sentences, restrictions on freedom, or probationary supervision for individuals who were not members of terrorist organizations, did not commit war crimes, and voluntarily returned to Kazakhstan. The deputy also proposed developing a state program for the legal, psychological, and social rehabilitation of such citizens. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, several Kazakh citizens who fought in Ukraine as part of the Wagner private military company have received prison sentences of up to six years. At the same time, Kazakhstan’s National Security Committee is investigating stand-up comedian Nurlan Saburov. According to media reports, he allegedly transferred motorcycle equipment purchased with his own funds to the same Wagner unit.

Pink Tax

Gender Pricing and Tax Policy in Kazakhstan: Does a “Pink Tax” Exist?

Women often pay more for everyday goods, from hygiene products to personal care services. In public discourse in Kazakhstan, this phenomenon is often referred to as the “pink tax.” But does such a tax exist, or are these differences the result of market pricing strategies? Is a “Pink Tax” Recognized Under Kazakhstan’s Tax Code? If understood literally as a separate levy established in the Tax Code, the so-called “pink tax” does not exist in Kazakhstan. The country’s tax system includes corporate and individual income taxes, value-added tax (VAT), excise duties, social tax, property taxes, and other mandatory payments. There is no gender-based category. In Kazakhstan, the term is generally used to describe a potential “gender markup,” where products marketed to women are priced higher than comparable versions aimed at men, even when their features are largely the same. These differences are most often observed in items such as razors, shower gels, and other personal care products, where variation may be limited to packaging or branding. However, Kazakhstan lacks large-scale, representative studies on the issue. Most claims are based on retail observations and isolated price comparisons rather than comprehensive market research. How Tax Policy Affects Essential Hygiene Products: VAT and the “Tampon Tax” Public debate increasingly uses the term “tampon tax” to describe situations where menstrual hygiene products are subject to the standard VAT rate rather than a reduced rate applied to essential goods. Starting January 1, 2026, Kazakhstan’s base VAT rate increased to 16%. Reduced VAT rates of 5% (from 2026) and 10% (from 2027), apply only to goods and services, including specific medicines and medical devices that meet established criteria. These benefits do not apply broadly to all health-related goods, only to items included in officially approved lists. If sanitary pads, tampons, and other menstrual hygiene products are not included in the approved lists, they are subject to the standard VAT rate, like most other consumer goods. The law does not treat “women’s” products as a separate taxable category. As a result, Kazakhstan does not levy a distinct “pink tax” but applies uniform VAT rules. The broader policy debate centers on whether menstrual products should be classified as essential goods for tax purposes. The social dimension is significant. According to the World Bank and UNFPA, menstrual poverty refers to limited access to hygiene products and related services such as water, sanitation, healthcare, and education. A survey conducted in Kazakhstan by Umai Cup and SOAS (2,116 participants) found that 25% of respondents had no access to hygiene products during their first menstruation, 66% used improvised materials, and 10% missed school due to an inability to purchase sanitary pads. When a recurring monthly product is taxed at the full VAT rate and rises in price along with inflation, the financial burden falls disproportionately on low-income women. For students, single mothers, and mothers of large families, this may translate into restricted access to basic hygiene. Why the “Pink Tax” Has a Greater Impact at Lower Income Levels Even without normative judgments, the economic...