Kazakhstan Local Politics - The Times Of Central Asia

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Internet Restrictions

Internet Restrictions in Central Asia: How the Five Countries Differ

There is no single Central Asian internet. Crossing a border can turn a freely accessible website into one that is blocked or reachable only through a virtual private network (VPN). The contrast is starkest in Turkmenistan, where years of censorship have created a black market for access to the open internet. Freedom House’s 2025 Freedom on the Net assessment covers three of the five Central Asian countries. Kyrgyzstan scored 47 out of 100 and retained its Partly Free status. Kazakhstan scored 37, while Uzbekistan scored 29; both were classified as Not Free. Turkmenistan has the most restrictive system in the region. The largest measurement study of its internet censorship to date tested 15.5 million domains and found that more than 122,000 were blocked. Researchers also identified filtering rules that inadvertently made more than 5.4 million additional domains inaccessible. Bypassing these restrictions has developed into a market of its own. In July 2025, VPN keys were being sold for around $50 a month, while access through a connection exempt from government filters cost up to $2,000. Turkmen officials were also alleged to have been involved in selling such access. Such claims are difficult to verify independently inside one of the world’s most closed countries. Even so, the market illustrates the effect of years of blocking: for some residents, a working VPN can provide access to large parts of the internet that would otherwise remain unavailable. The situation in Kazakhstan is different. The internet is far more accessible than in Turkmenistan, although the authorities also use technical controls. A study published by the Open Observatory of Network Interference (OONI) found evidence that at least 17 news websites and 73 sites for circumvention tools were blocked between June 1, 2023, and June 1, 2024. The affected sites included independent media and major VPN services. Researchers also found evidence of Transport Layer Security (TLS) man-in-the-middle attacks, in which a third party intercepts an encrypted connection between a user and a website. This can allow the third party to read or alter the data passing through the connection. Similar technology prompted an international dispute in 2019, when internet service providers in Kazakhstan instructed users to install a government-issued security certificate capable of intercepting encrypted web traffic. Major browser developers responded by blocking the certificate or preventing their software from trusting it. Kazakhstan does not, however, operate a closed network. OONI found that some circumvention tools remained accessible, unlike in Turkmenistan, where stable access to the open internet can itself be difficult. Kyrgyzstan’s online environment has traditionally been more open than those of its Central Asian neighbors, though restrictions have increased in recent years. Freedom House kept the country in the Partly Free category in 2025, lowering its score from 48 to 47. It cited the detention of journalists and activists, as well as pressure on online media. Government control has also extended to internet infrastructure. In July 2025, President Sadyr Japarov signed a decree giving state-owned operator ElCat a temporary monopoly on international internet traffic. The decree set the one-year trial...

Former Presidents

What Do Former Presidents Do? From Akayev to Nazarbayev, the Fates of Central Asia’s Ex-Leaders

Central Asia has produced remarkably few former presidents who simply retired from public life. In Kyrgyzstan, former leaders have been driven from office, prosecuted, imprisoned, or forced into exile. Kazakhstan’s Nursultan Nazarbayev has followed a different path, largely withdrawing from public view after losing much of his political influence. Elsewhere, some of the region’s founding presidents died in office, leaving no post-presidential career to examine. The Times of Central Asia has previously examined how political succession has developed across the region. The fate of leaders after they leave office reveals another side of that political tradition. The architect of Kyrgyzstan’s early post-Soviet political model was its first president, Askar Akayev, who remained in office until 2005. Akayev introduced democratic institutions in Kyrgyzstan, but gradually tightened the pressure on his opponents as his presidency progressed. His rule was badly shaken by the Aksy shootings in 2002, which followed the prosecution of opposition lawmaker Azimbek Beknazarov and a territorial dispute with China. Akayev’s government had agreed to transfer disputed border territory to China, a decision fiercely criticized by the opposition. In March 2002, demonstrators in southern Kyrgyzstan demanded Akayev’s impeachment. Security forces opened fire during the unrest, killing several people. The shootings became one of the defining political crises of his presidency. In a 2003 referendum, Akayev significantly strengthened presidential powers at parliament’s expense. Economic hardship, unemployment, widespread corruption, and allegations of fraud in the 2005 parliamentary elections eventually helped trigger the Tulip Revolution in March of that year. Akayev had to flee, with rumors at the time claiming that he was smuggled out in the trunk of an official car, wrapped in a carpet. Criminal cases involving corruption were opened against him and members of his family in Kyrgyzstan. The authorities repeatedly sought his extradition from Russia, but were unsuccessful. After leaving Kyrgyzstan, Akayev lived in Moscow and taught at Moscow State University. In 2006, he became a foreign member of the Russian Academy of Sciences. In August 2021, Akayev reappeared in Bishkek. He unexpectedly flew into the country and was immediately questioned as part of the criminal investigation into corruption surrounding the Kumtor gold mine. Afterward, he said he had come to Bishkek for a week and was prepared to assist investigators. “I came to speak honestly and sincerely about how we built Kumtor, why we built it, and what mistakes may have been made. The investigation will continue,” he said. In 2023, Kyrgyzstan’s Prosecutor General’s Office announced that the criminal prosecution of Akayev had been terminated because the statute of limitations had expired. Tajikistan’s former president Rahmon Nabiyev was also forced from power. The former Soviet politician lost power amid the country’s civil war in 1992. He died at his home in Khujand the following year, at the age of 62, reportedly from a heart attack. According to his wife, Nabiyev spent his final months in Khujand in conditions resembling house arrest and received a pension of just five rubles. While Tajikistan did not repeat the experiment of violently...

Artificial Intelligence

AI E-Government in Kazakhstan Expands Into Jobs and Benefits

Kazakhstan is preparing a deeper overhaul of its e-government system, with artificial intelligence expected to identify which service citizens need, match unemployed people with vacancies, and assist officials in identifying potential recipients of social assistance. The plans were outlined at a government meeting on August 11 by Minister of AI and Digital Development Zhaslan Madiyev and Minister of Labor and Social Protection Askarbek Yertayev. Several are expected to expand nationwide by the end of 2026. eGov GPT, which the government was testing earlier this year, currently works with 50 of the most frequently used public services. According to Madiyev, these account for around 30% of citizens’ requests. The government plans to increase that share to 70% by the end of the year. Madiyev said the assistant was used more than 150,000 times during its first four months. An official government description of the system says it can identify the appropriate public service from a user's request and help complete it online. The idea is for users to simply describe their situation in ordinary language, for example, “I need to register my address” or “My child is starting school this year.” eGov GPT identifies the relevant procedure, helps prepare the application, and guides it through the government system. Kazakhstan began building its e-government system in the 2000s, long before the current boom in generative AI. In the latest UN E-Government Survey, the country ranked 24th among 193 states, the highest position in Central Asia. The index assesses countries' online public services alongside the infrastructure and human capacity needed to use them. What is changing now is the way citizens interact with the state. Previously, digitizing a service meant that instead of travelling to a Public Service Centre, Kazakhstan’s equivalent of a government service centre, a citizen could fill in the required form online. The new model is intended to remove part of that work as well. According to Madiyev, the number of requests handled directly by Public Service Centre staff has already fallen by around 30%. The authorities plan gradually to transform the centres into what they call AI offices. Visitors will be able to submit a request through eGov GPT, apply for an identity card, passport, or driving licence through a terminal, and collect the finished document from a parcel locker, including at weekends. The government has not said what the shift will mean for staffing levels at the centres. Nevertheless, authorities plan to go considerably further in the labor market. A new Digital Employment Service will compare government-held information on an unemployed person’s occupation, qualifications, and skills with employers’ requirements. The Labor Ministry describes the idea as moving towards a model in which “the person does not look for a job, but the job finds the person”. When a match is found, the citizen will receive an offer through eGov, the state employment portal Enbek.kz, or an SMS from the 1414 service number. The system will also be able to recommend training or retraining, or suggest relocation if a...

Succession

The Tradition of Power – Why Political Succession in Central Asia Follows Its Own Rules

In January 2027, Kyrgyzstan will hold a presidential election, an event that is anything but routine for the Central Asian republic. Over the past three decades, political crises, often surrounding disputed elections, have repeatedly ended in the removal of presidents. Kyrgyzstan remains an outlier in the region, although it, too, has gradually been moving towards a political model that has long become the norm across the rest of Central Asia. This year marks 35 years since the Soviet republics embarked on independent political lives following the collapse of the USSR. Yet many of the mechanisms governing the transfer of supreme power, shaped during the Soviet era, continue to define politics across the independent states. In Central Asia, three decades of independence have produced a distinctive model of political succession. The final years of the Soviet Union became known as the era of the so-called "gun-carriage race." As one ageing General Secretary after another passed away, an unwritten rule appeared to emerge: the official who chaired the state funeral commission for the deceased leader often became his successor. A remarkably similar pattern later emerged in Central Asia – first in Turkmenistan, then in Uzbekistan. Turkmenistan's first president, Saparmurat Niyazov, died in December 2006. The state funeral commission was chaired by Deputy Prime Minister and Health Minister Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, who simultaneously became acting president. It was during those funeral ceremonies that the wider public was introduced for the first time to the family of Turkmenbashi. Under the constitution, parliamentary speaker Ovezgeldy Atayev should have assumed the presidency. Instead, he was stripped of immunity and arrested, clearing the way for Berdimuhamedov to take the acting presidency. After assuming the presidency in 2007, Berdimuhamedov gradually abandoned the more eccentric elements of his predecessor's personality cult while building a political system centered on his own leadership. If Niyazov styled himself Turkmenbashi – Leader of All Turkmens – his successor adopted the title Arkadag, or Protector of the Nation. In February 2022, Berdimuhamedov unexpectedly announced that he would step down following an early presidential election scheduled for March 12. He explained the decision by saying it was time to "give the younger generation an opportunity to govern the country." Few doubted that he was referring to his son Serdar Berdimuhamedov, who by then had already occupied most of the key positions within the state hierarchy. That is precisely what happened. Serdar Berdimuhamedov became president, while his father moved to the chairmanship of the Halk Maslahaty, retaining the title of National Leader of the Turkmen People. Uzbekistan followed a similar pattern, although under different circumstances. Islam Karimov built a highly centralized presidential system that left virtually no room for political competition. This applied not only to political opponents, but also to those closest to the president. His eldest daughter, Gulnara Karimova, was placed under house arrest while her father was still alive. Following his death, she was convicted and remains imprisoned in Uzbekistan. When Karimov died in September 2016, reports of his death circulated for several days...

Electronic Visas

Kazakhstan Proposes Rules for Paid Electronic Entry Permits

Kazakhstan's Interior Ministry has opened public consultation on rules for a paid electronic entry permit for foreign visitors. The ministry has proposed a phased rollout between August and December 2026, but the published summary leaves several basic questions unanswered. The proposal was posted on July 31, and remains open for comments until August 17. It would amend Kazakhstan's 2012 rules governing the entry, stay, and departure of foreign nationals. The ministry says the system will provide "transparency, speed, and completeness [in] recording the cross-border movements of foreign nationals.” However, the consultation page does not display the proposed amendments, an explanatory note, or a comparative table. Rather, it shows an information summary and one attachment labeled as a Russian-language table, leading one public commenter, Andrei Sukhanov, to ask: "Where is the draft itself? Or is only its title being discussed?" That omission makes it impossible to establish several important terms from the consultation. The page does not state the fee, the nationalities covered, the grounds for refusal, the appeal process, or the date when permits would become mandatory. It also fails to explain whether visa holders would need a further separate authorization. The legal basis for introducing paid electronic entry permits already exists: President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev signed Law No. 326-VIII on June 24. The law was first published on June 25, and most of its provisions take effect on August 25. The law defines an electronic entry permit as a digital document granting a foreign citizen or stateless person the right to enter Kazakhstan or transit its territory. The Interior Ministry will issue, refuse, or cancel permits in coordination with the National Security Committee. Foreign citizens and stateless persons entering Kazakhstan will undergo identification and authentication, including the processing of personal and biometric data for a digital immigration profile. The government will set the fee and payment procedure. The law directs half of the revenue toward migration and border-control technology, while the other half will support domestic and inbound tourism. The Interior Ministry's summary says differentiated charges would fund technical maintenance, digital infrastructure upgrades, and personal-data protection. It gives no amounts or categories, meaning travelers cannot assess the cost. Kazakhstan is already testing the permit through the QazETA platform. During the pilot, the Electronic Travel Authorization is recommended rather than compulsory for citizens of visa-exempt countries. Applicants are asked to submit requests through the mobile app at least 72 hours before travel, and an authorization remains valid for 180 days. An ETA does not extend the permitted length of stay or guarantee admission, with border officials retaining the final decision. The current pilot exempts holders of diplomatic and service passports, members of official delegations, and accredited diplomats. The government has not announced when the pilot will end or published the list of countries that will face a mandatory requirement. A local report in July said Kyrgyzstan had sought clarification on whether the system would cover citizens of Eurasian Economic Union states. Kazakhstan has not published a decision on that point. The...

Kurultai Election

Kazakhstan Kurultai Election: Can a Third Party Break Through?

With only weeks remaining before Kazakhstan elects its new 145-member Kurultai on August 23, three national surveys point to a commanding victory for Adilet and place Auyl in second. The less certain question is whether Ak Zhol, Respublica, or another smaller party can clear the 5% electoral threshold and join them in the new legislature. Seven political parties have been registered to contest the vote. All 145 seats will be allocated through nationwide party lists, so small changes around the threshold could have a large effect on the composition of Kazakhstan's first Kurultai. The election is the first under Kazakhstan's new constitutional framework, which replaced the former bicameral parliament with a single-chamber Kurultai. The constitutional reform represents the most significant redesign of the country's political institutions in decades and places greater weight on political parties in the legislative process. The available polls differ in timing, method, sample size, and the proportion of undecided voters. Their exact figures are therefore not directly comparable. However, they agree on the broad shape of the race: Adilet leads by a wide margin, Auyl holds second place, and several parties remain close to or below the threshold. The latest Institute of Eurasian Integration survey was conducted through face-to-face interviews with 4,000 respondents in all 17 regions, as well as Astana, Almaty, and Shymkent, from July 16 to 26. Its stated margin of error was no more than 1.54%. That poll put Adilet on 65.1% and Auyl on 5.9%. Ak Zhol stood at 4.7%, marginally ahead of Respublica on 4.6%. The Nationwide Social Democratic Party, or NSDP, received 4.2%, the People's Party of Kazakhstan 4.1%, and the Baytaq Green Party 0.5%. An earlier DATAmetrics poll, commissioned by the Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies, interviewed 8,000 people face-to-face from June 13 to July 2. It gave Adilet 54.2%, Auyl 7.3%, Ak Zhol 4.6%, and Respublica 3.4%. One in five respondents had not chosen a party. A telephone survey by the Kazakhstan Institute of Public Development covered 1,200 respondents from July 8 to 20. It put Adilet on 64.8%, Auyl on 5.4%, Respublica on 4.8%, and Ak Zhol on 4.7%, with 10.9% undecided. Taken together, the surveys do not identify a clear third-place party. They do show that Ak Zhol and Respublica are the most consistent contenders for an additional place in the Kurultai. The latest Institute of Eurasian Integration poll also places the NSDP and the People's Party within striking distance, although the other surveys put both further behind. Adilet's lead is unsurprising. Although the Adilet Party was officially registered only this year, it is not starting from scratch. Amanat, formerly known as Nur Otan, merged into Adilet in June, transferring the organization and political network that dominated Kazakhstan throughout most of former President Nursultan Nazarbayev's rule. The merger also placed the former ruling party inside a new organization led by allies of President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev. It completed a change of political branding while preserving a strong pro-presidential electoral machine. The sharper contest is therefore not for...