Kazakhstan Local Politics - The Times Of Central Asia

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Road Safety

Kazakhstan Senator Proposes Restoring State Oversight of Driving Schools

Gennady Shipovskikh, a member of Kazakhstan’s Senate, has proposed restoring state oversight of driving schools, linking the initiative to a sharp increase in traffic accidents across the country. According to figures cited by the senator, the number of road accidents has nearly doubled over the past three years. In 2023, approximately 15,800 accidents were recorded in Kazakhstan. This figure rose to about 31,500 in 2024 and exceeded 36,000 in 2025. In total, more than 100,000 people were reported injured during this period. Shipovskikh attributes the worsening situation partly to reduced state supervision of driver training standards. At present, most driving schools in Kazakhstan are privately operated: of 727 institutions nationwide, 567 are privately owned, while 160 are state-run. He noted that regulatory changes in recent years have significantly altered the sector. In 2016, the licensing system for driving schools was replaced with a notification-based procedure, and in 2018, direct state oversight was abolished. He said these reforms have contributed to declining training standards and growing public distrust in the quality of instruction. As a possible solution, Shipovskikh has proposed reinstating an accreditation mechanism for driving schools. Under such a system, institutions whose graduates are repeatedly involved in traffic accidents could face the suspension or revocation of their operating permits. He also called for tighter monitoring of compliance with training requirements, particularly in the private sector, as well as the creation of a unified national driver training framework. He also highlighted the need to establish a centralized analytical platform to enable more detailed study of accident causes and to support the development of preventive policies. “We must not forget that behind every traffic accident lies a tragedy for families and society,” he said in remarks addressed to Prime Minister Olzhas Bektenov. Alongside reforms in driver education, Shipovskikh proposed introducing modern traffic-management tools. Among these measures is the use of so-called “waffle markings” at congested intersections. These road markings prohibit vehicles from entering an intersection if traffic conditions prevent them from clearing it, thereby helping to reduce congestion and the risk of collisions. Such practices are already widely used in major cities worldwide and have proven effective in improving road safety. The Times of Central Asia previously reported that Senator Zhanna Asanova had proposed allowing private laboratories to conduct medical examinations of drivers for intoxication as part of wider discussions on road safety policy.

Constitutional Reform

Kazakhstan Prepares for Its First-Ever Administrative Amnesty

President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has announced plans to introduce Kazakhstan’s first-ever administrative amnesty. The statement was made during a ceremony marking the adoption of the country’s new Constitution. In the past, Kazakhstan has periodically granted amnesties to individuals convicted of criminal offenses, often timed to coincide with national anniversaries. The most recent such amnesty was carried out in 2025 to mark the 30th anniversary of the Constitution. The new initiative is linked to the adoption of the updated Constitution. On March 15, a nationwide referendum was held in which a majority of voters supported the new basic law. The document is scheduled to enter into force on July 1, 2026. Speaking at the ceremony, Tokayev said that constitutional reform represents a transition to a new stage in the country’s development and requires a reassessment of the relationship between the state and society. “The People’s Constitution is a strategic mandate of trust and a new social contract aimed at long-term goals and horizons of progress,” the president said. He instructed parliament to adopt an amnesty law by the end of the current session. The proposed amnesty is expected to cover a range of criminal and administrative offenses that do not pose a threat to public or national security. The current parliamentary session is due to conclude at the end of June. Under the new Constitution, however, the powers of the existing parliament will cease on July 1, 2026, the same day the new constitutional framework enters into force. In the near future, five new constitutional laws are expected to be submitted to parliament, including legislation governing the presidency, the Kurultai (the future parliament), the Halyk Kenesi (People's Council), as well as laws regulating the status of the capital and the country’s administrative-territorial structure. According to Tokayev, eight existing constitutional laws and more than 60 regulatory acts, including key legal codes, will also require revision. These legislative changes are expected to be synchronized with upcoming parliamentary elections. Elections to the new unicameral parliament are likely to take place before the opening of the next parliamentary session, which traditionally begins on September 1. As a result, voting could be held within the coming months. “By that time, preparation of the necessary legal framework must be fully completed. The comprehensive transformation of Kazakhstan’s legal and political system will continue throughout this year and possibly into the next,” the president said. According to Tokayev, the reforms envisage the creation of new state institutions, as well as structural and personnel changes within existing government bodies.

Kazakhstan's Constitutional Referendum

New Constitution Backed by Majority as Kazakhstan Reports Record Referendum Turnout

Kazakhstan’s Central Referendum Commission has announced the official results of the nationwide vote on the draft of a new constitution. According to the commission, voter turnout reached 73.12%, with a total of 9,127,192 citizens participating. Preliminary results show that 7,954,667 voters or 87.15%, supported the proposed amendments. A further 898,099 citizens voted against, while 146,558 ballots were declared invalid. On 15 March Kazakhstan held a national referendum, proposed by President Kassym‑Jomart Tokayev, on whether to adopt a new constitution. The draft constitution introduces major institutional reforms, including replacing the country’s bicameral parliament with a single chamber, restoring the post of vice-president (abolished in 1996), and creating a new People’s Council (Kurultai) with powers to initiate legislation and referendums. The reforms also allow the president to appoint key officials, and redefine some constitutional provisions, including the definition of marriage. Critics say the changes could strengthen presidential authority and potentially affect future term limits. Regional voting patterns reveal several notable trends. First, Pavlodar region recorded the highest level of support, with 94.14% of voters backing the amendments. Traditionally, Kazakhstan’s northern regions have demonstrated more moderate support for decisions initiated by the central authorities. This tendency was reflected in the Karaganda and North Kazakhstan regions, where support stood at around 83%. Second, two western regions, Aktobe (93.96%) and Mangistau (93.40%), also showed some of the strongest support for constitutional reform. Mangistau was widely regarded during the era of former president Nursultan Nazarbayev as one of the country’s most protest-prone areas. The unrest in January 2022 began with a strike by oil workers in the city of Zhanaozen. Third, residents of Almaty demonstrated a higher share of protest voting than those in the country’s other major cities, Astana and Shymkent, with nearly 30% voting against the amendments. Voter turnout in Almaty reached 33.43%, significantly higher than the slightly more than 25% recorded during the 2024 referendum on the construction of a nuclear power plant. Among those who cast ballots in Almaty, 71.36% supported the 2026 constitution. In Astana and Shymkent, just over 86% voted in favor. Turnout figures had already been analyzed a day earlier by Almaty-based political analyst Andrei Chebotarev on his Telegram channel. He cited preliminary data from the Central Referendum Commission indicating that 9,126,850 citizens, or 73.24% of the electorate, had participated in the vote. Chebotarev compared these figures with turnout in previous referendums. He noted that 7,985,769 citizens (68.05%) took part in the referendum on constitutional amendments held on June 5, 2022, while 7,820,204 voters (63.66%) participated in the October 6, 2024 referendum on the construction of a nuclear power plant. “It is evident that the increase in participation was primarily driven by the political significance of the referendum’s subject matter, namely, the draft of a new Constitution. The relatively frequent use of referendums in Kazakhstan over the past four years may also have contributed,” Chebotarev suggested. Political analyst Daniyar Ashimbayev also highlighted the high turnout, noting that participation exceeded the 70% threshold for the first time. He argued that the...

Constitution

Kazakhstan’s Constitutional Referendum Opens the Door to Major Institutional Reform

Kazakhstan will hold its constitutional referendum on March 15 on a draft that would replace the current bicameral parliamentary structure, restore the vice presidency, and reset the legal framework for the country’s post-2022 political order. The Central Referendum Commission has presented the vote as procedurally ready. On February 20, Qazinform reported that the commission had briefed the OSCE/ODIHR mission on preparations, saying infrastructure upgrades at all polling stations were complete, that voter lists included 12,416,759 eligible citizens, and that online services would allow voters to check their registration status. The same report said that public information efforts were underway across multiple channels, including personalized voter invitations with QR codes, and that the legal conditions were in place for accredited civic associations, non-profit organizations, and media representatives to work at polling stations. Administrative readiness, however, is only part of the story. The referendum’s significance lies in what adoption would change and what measures will be employed to move to the implementation stage afterward. Earlier TCA coverage examined the draft’s broader constitutional architecture and discussed its implications for the reordering of state authority. The issue now is narrower. A “yes” vote would approve a new institutional framework, but it would not by itself answer every question about how that framework will be interpreted, implemented, or used. However, the new constitution could allow future laws to move through parliament more expeditiously. The referendum is more than a routine exercise in constitutional amendment. The move announced in February was toward a new constitution rather than a narrower package of revisions. The draft would replace the current bicameral parliament with a single chamber, reduce the number of lawmakers, and reinstate the office of vice president. The text now before voters is being treated as a new basic law, not merely as a technical adjustment to the 1995 constitution. If approved, it will establish a new legal baseline from which later political interpretation begins. In addition, adoption would set a tight institutional timetable. If approved, the constitution would enter into force on July 1, and parliamentary elections would follow in August. Polling will take place at 10,402 stations, including 71 abroad, and official results must be published within seven days. In practical terms, March 15 would settle the text and begin the transition from constitutional approval to institutional implementation. That implementation phase has its own political weight. The referendum is considered valid if more than half of the eligible voters participate. The draft constitution will be adopted if a majority of those voting support it, provided the measure also receives majority support in at least two-thirds of Kazakhstan’s regions, cities of national significance, and the capital. Those thresholds are not unusual, but in this case, the authorities are seeking a public mandate for a new constitutional order. At the same time, the package also reaches beyond institutional mechanics. The draft would change the constitutional wording on the Russian language so that it would be used “along with” Kazakh rather than “on an equal footing” with it, and...

Kazakhstan Referendum

Kazakhstan Faces Landmark Constitutional Referendum

On March 15, citizens will vote in a nationwide referendum on sweeping constitutional amendments that could significantly reshape Kazakhstan’s political system. Kazakhstan’s Constitution has undergone periodic revision since independence, with changes adopted in 1998, 2007, 2011, 2017, 2019, and most recently in 2022, when 56 amendments to the basic law were approved in a national referendum. According to official statements, the proposed draft would affect about 84% of the Constitution, making it the most extensive revision in the country’s modern history. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has described the proposed document as “essentially a new Constitution.” At the same time, the draft retains several core principles. Kazakhstan would continue to be defined as a secular, democratic, unitary state, with the people recognized as the sole source of state power. Attempts to overthrow the constitutional order would remain punishable by law. The draft also proposes the creation of a new representative body, the Kurultai, which would replace the current bicameral parliament, consisting of the Mazhilis (lower house) and the Senate (upper house), with a unicameral legislature. The scale of the proposed reforms has generated significant public attention. The draft Constitution has been widely debated, and the referendum campaign has been accompanied by a large-scale public information effort. Supporters argue that the changes could streamline governance and modernize political institutions, while critics have raised concerns about the concentration of authority and the pace of reform. Rights and Freedoms The current Constitution states that human rights and freedoms must not infringe on the rights of others, the constitutional order, or public morality. The new draft expands this provision, specifying that the exercise of rights and freedoms must not violate the rights or restrict the freedoms of other individuals, undermine the constitutional order, disrupt public order, threaten public health, or contradict societal morality. The document continues to guarantee freedom of speech and prohibit censorship, stating, “Freedom of speech and scientific, technical, and artistic creativity is guaranteed.” It also introduces an additional clause stipulating that the dissemination of information must not infringe upon the honor and dignity of others, public health, or public order. The list of prohibited forms of propaganda is also broadened. It includes advocacy for violent changes to the constitutional order, violations of territorial integrity and sovereignty, threats to national security, incitement to war or armed conflict, and the promotion of social, racial, national, ethnic, or religious superiority or discord, as well as the glorification of cruelty and violence. Supporters of the draft say these provisions are intended to strengthen social stability and national security. However, some observers note that broader restrictions linked to public order or morality may raise questions about how such norms would be interpreted and applied in practice. In family law, the draft specifies that marriage is defined as a voluntary and equal union between a man and a woman, registered by the state in accordance with the law. President and Vice President Proposed changes to the structure of executive power have been among the most widely discussed aspects of the...

Children's Rights

The Children of Kazakhstan Concept: Reality and Barriers to Implementation

The 2026-2030 Children of Kazakhstan Concept, approved by the Kazakh government, introduces new standards for the protection of children’s rights. The document is largely based on modern international approaches to social policy. However, its implementation may face a number of systemic barriers characteristic of Kazakhstan’s institutional environment. Honest Acknowledgment of Problems The authors of the concept do not attempt to downplay existing challenges. The document openly recognises serious issues in the field of child protection. In 2024, 2,693 crimes against minors were registered. In 2025, the figure stood at 2,603. Of these, nearly 900 cases involved sexual abuse. Particularly alarming is the fact that 60-70% of such crimes are committed by individuals close to the child, including parents, stepfathers, relatives, or neighbours. Another critical issue is the mental health of adolescents. Kazakhstan remains among the countries with high rates of youth suicide. According to psychologists cited in the Kazakh media, over the past two years, approximately 300 suicides among children have been recorded nationwide, while nearly 600 more adolescents have attempted suicide. The scale of the problem is reflected in the workload of the 111 national contact centre. In 2025, the service received 145,000 calls and 121,000 text messages. The high volume of messages sent via QR codes suggests that many children find it psychologically easier to report abuse in writing than in person. The state also acknowledges shortcomings in the healthcare system. Children’s hospitals face shortages of medical equipment, particularly in intensive care units. The situation is most difficult in remote regions, where insufficient equipment can directly affect children’s chances of survival in emergency situations. Another serious concern is the shortage of specialists. Kazakhstan lacks sufficient numbers of child psychiatrists and clinical psychologists. The deficit is particularly acute in regional areas. At the same time, many parents conceal their children’s psychological problems for fear of social stigma, leading to delayed diagnosis and complicating suicide prevention efforts. Staff Shortages Versus High Standards The concept emphasises early prevention. One of its key instruments is a case-management mechanism involving individual support for families and children by trained specialists. The intention is to shift from crisis response to systematic preventive work. However, the implementation of this model faces serious limitations. The main challenge is the acute shortage of personnel and insufficient levels of professional training among specialists in the field. Independent experts point to systemic weaknesses in the training of psychologists. Many public-sector employees lack the qualifications required to work with adolescents experiencing severe psychological distress. In addition, the professions of school psychologist and social pedagogue remain poorly paid. Experienced specialists often move to the private sector, where salaries can be three to four times higher. Digitalization Outpacing Infrastructure The government is placing a significant emphasis on digital tools. One of the flagship initiatives is the FSM Social system, known as the Digital Family Map. The system analyses dozens of socio-economic indicators and is designed to identify families at risk. However, digitalization is currently outpacing infrastructure development. Analysts caution that digital systems cannot...