Kyrgyzstan Opinions - The Times Of Central Asia

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Opinion: How Central Asia Has Strengthened Ties with the West Since 2022

The Russian invasion of Ukraine has changed the relationship between Russia and Central Asia. Russia’s decision to invade a neighboring country, and the devastation and destruction that followed, has forced Central Asia to reconsider its relationship with the Russian Federation. Russia is no longer seen as an “invincible superpower,” meaning it cannot be relied on to protect other members of the CSTO (Collective Security Treaty Organization). In addition, the U.S. and European countries have levied heavy sanctions on Russia for its invasion of Ukraine. Russia has attempted to evade these sanctions by conducting business with third parties, but the international community has warned several organizations and countries not to partake in these relations. Otherwise, should these businesses and countries opt to help Russia, then the international community has said that it will impose stiff penalties on these Russian intermediaries as well. Given these events, the Central Asian states have now been actively pursuing new relationships beyond Russia to bolster national, economic, and energy security within the region. During this process, China has attempted to assert itself as Central Asia’s new ally. Like Russia, China already has a significant trade relationship with Central Asia. In addition, China is Central Asia’s largest gas consumer, meaning the Chinese have attempted to force Central Asia into an economic and energy partnership. Despite this relationship, the countries of Central Asia have opted not to increase their reliance on China. Instead, recent developments have led them to improve their relations with the United States, the United Kingdom, and the European Union. But how has the West strengthened its relationship with Central Asia since 2022? Take, for example, the United States. When Russia’s invasion began in February 2022, the then U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken met with foreign ministers from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan to discuss the war. During their meeting, Secretary Blinken stated that the United States supports Central Asia’s “sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity.” He also said that the United States will continue to strengthen its relationship with the region. Since this meeting, Blinken has met with foreign ministers from Central Asia on several occasions in 2023 and 2024, where they further discussed how Central Asia can “develop the strongest possible capacities for their own security, their growing economic prosperity, and the strength and resilience of their societies.” Furthermore, U.S. President Joe Biden met with senior officials from Central Asia. During his meeting with his Central Asian counterparts in September 2023, Biden said that the United States would help “invest in and develop Central Asia’s energy infrastructure.” The United States also established a new business initiative with Central Asia, where the United States has provided hundreds of millions of dollars in assistance to the region. Then, during the United States-Central Asia Trade Investment Framework Council in June 2024, the United States and the Central Asian states discussed new investment opportunities and how they could diversify trade. These discussions were well received, and the United States called for future engagements between it and Central...

Kyrgyzstan’s Economic Boom or Bust? Calls for Inclusive Growth Persist

Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov declared late last year that the country’s economic growth had reached historic milestones, with GDP maintaining positive momentum. However, local economists remain skeptical about the broader impact of this growth. In 2020, Kyrgyzstan’s GDP stood at 639 billion KGS ($7.3 billion), according to official data. By the end of 2025, this figure is projected to reach 1.8 trillion KGS ($22 billion). Growth Without Inclusion In an interview with The Times of Central Asia, economist Nurgul Akimova acknowledged that the reported 9% GDP growth and the so-called “leopard’s leap” frequently mentioned by the government are positive developments. However, she stressed that for economic expansion to be meaningful for ordinary citizens, it must be inclusive. "Nine percent growth is not inclusive because it does not create additional jobs. The main drivers of our economic growth are construction, downstream industries, and the financial sector. These sectors do not contribute to improving human capital. In construction, for instance, a significant portion of costs goes toward imported building materials," Akimova explained. According to Akimova, Kyrgyzstan’s economy has followed an inertia-driven trajectory for the past 30 years, avoiding major shocks but also failing to achieve significant breakthroughs. She pointed out that if the garment sector were growing, it would have a greater impact, as it did 15 years ago when Kyrgyz-made clothing was exported to neighboring countries. "For example, a seamstress spends her income on education, healthcare, and consumption. By doing so, she contributes to the development of other inclusive sectors, benefiting society as a whole," Akimova said, adding that while the economy is expanding, it is not improving the welfare of citizens. A People-Centered Economy Akimova emphasized that economic policy should prioritize people’s wellbeing, as failure to do so could erode public trust in the government. She also criticized official comparisons of Kyrgyzstan’s economic growth with other countries, arguing that such assessments lack context. "Officials claim Kyrgyzstan is growing faster than others, but an economy that produces microchips and one that manufactures T-shirts are fundamentally different. These industries require distinct investment levels, equipment, and human capital." Kyrgyzstan’s economy is currently valued at approximately $14 billion. If the country were to sustain an annual 10% growth rate, as authorities suggest, GDP would increase by $1.4 billion per year. Akimova highlighted that this figure represents only 0.5% of Kazakhstan’s economic growth, 0.06% of Russia’s, and a mere 0.0006% of the United States’ GDP expansion. "When we hear claims that we are growing faster than others, we must consider the scale and complexity of economic processes," the economist concluded.

Infrastructure Projects

Securing Central Asia’s Future: EBRD’s Regional Head on the Fight for Water Sustainability

Every fourth inhabitant of Central Asia, home to more than 83 million people, does not have regular access to safe drinking water. The region spans more than four million square kilometers, and over 15% of its territory is covered by the Karakum and Kyzylkum deserts, as well as waterless places such as the Ustyurt Plateau (similar in size to the United Kingdom), which stretches across Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan. The extreme heat common to Central Asia in summer makes water a precious resource. To make matters worse, irresponsible human activity, particularly wasteful water use for irrigation, has led to one of the most devastating ecological catastrophes globally. The Aral Sea, where up to 60,000 tonnes of fish were caught annually only 30 years ago, has practically ceased to exist. Most of Central Asia’s freshwater intake relies on glacial melts affected by global warming. The World Resources Institute forecast in its 2023 Aqueduct Water Risk Atlas that an additional one billion people globally will live with extremely high water stress by 2050. This will disrupt economies and agricultural production. Most Central Asian countries will be severely affected. While the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) cannot reverse the global warming process or tackle its impacts alone, it can certainly contribute to climate change mitigation efforts, securing better water access, and promoting its rational use. There is frequently no water supply or water treatment infrastructure in rural areas of the regions where it invests. Most municipal water supply and treatment utilities across Central Asia have not seen much investment or refurbishment over the last 30 years. The EBRD has been working to address this issue, and many of its investment projects are already impacting people’s lives. [caption id="attachment_29070" align="aligncenter" width="1600"] Image: EBRD[/caption] In Kazakhstan, the Bank’s work with Vodnye Resoursy Marketing (VRM)/Shymkent water company, the country’s only privately owned municipal water utility, perfectly illustrates why the EBRD is such a strong advocate of private-sector involvement in the provision of municipal services. Over many years, we have enjoyed excellent cooperation with this company, which has translated into high-quality water supply services for more than 1.2 million residents of Shymkent. It has become a benchmark for the region for its effective and efficient operations. Thanks to VRM’s efforts, with 1.2 million residents, Shymkent became the first city in Kazakhstan to install a water meter for every consumer. User habits have changed: personal daily water consumption has decreased from 456 liters 27 years ago to 150 liters. The water savings achieved during this period will enable Shymkent to meet the needs of its population for another 20 years. The EBRD started working with VRM in 2009 and has financed five projects totaling €60 million. With the Bank’s financial assistance, VRM has introduced an automated network monitoring system, improved power supply at twelve pumping stations, constructed eleven electrical substations, and built a European Union standards-compliant biogas facility (the only one of its kind in Central Asia), which helps VRM to meet all of its thermal...

Kyrgyz Labor Migrants Confront Challenges in Europe

The Center for Employment of Kyrgyz Citizens Abroad has announced the launch of online registration for seasonal agricultural work in the United Kingdom. Alongside migration to Russia, Europe remains one of the most popular destinations for Kyrgyz workers. Tens of thousands of citizens seek employment in Europe, Turkey, and South Korea. However, despite the widely advertised benefits of working abroad, many migrants face significant challenges. According to the state portal migrant.kg, wages for seasonal agricultural work in the UK are set at £11.50 per hour, with a guaranteed minimum of 32 hours per week. Applicants must meet certain conditions, including being in satisfactory physical and psychological health and having at least a basic knowledge of Russian. The Kyrgyz government assures job seekers that employment under state-brokered contracts is free of charge and, most importantly, safe. Migrants are only required to cover the costs of their visa, insurance, and airfare. The Kyrgyz Ministry of Labor, Social Development, and Migration has previously signed agreements on labor migration with companies in the UK, Italy, and Slovakia, as well as with employers in South Korea. In addition to government initiatives, private agencies also facilitate job placements for Kyrgyz citizens abroad. The Times of Central Asia spoke with Rakhim Mirzyaev, a former labor migrant, about his experiences working in the European Union. “In general, Kyrgyz citizens are readily accepted in most EU countries. I worked in Poland for six months at a car parts factory, then moved to the Netherlands for agricultural work. Many people don’t realize it, but this type of labor can be brutal,” Mirzyaev told TCA. The cost of obtaining a visa, insurance, and airfare for his job in Poland totaled $750. “At the factory in Poland, we were paid hourly, only about $5 per hour. An inspector monitored our work every hour. Local regulations required us to meet specific production targets. If you failed to meet the quota, you were first fined, and then, if it continued, you could be fired,” he explained. According to Kyrgyz migrants, inflation has made it increasingly difficult to live and work in Europe. Rising food and housing costs leave little room for savings. Unlike international students, migrant workers receive no financial benefits or subsidies. Nutrition was another major challenge. Mirzyaev noted that adjusting to inexpensive European food was difficult for those accustomed to traditional Central Asian cuisine. “We mostly ate pasta because it was the cheapest option. If we spent money on better food, we wouldn’t be able to save anything to send home. I lost 20 kilograms in six months working at the factory in Poland,” he said. Many Kyrgyz migrants exchange job opportunities and experiences through online messaging groups. It was in one such group that Mirzyaev and a friend found an unofficial job opening in the Netherlands. However, without an official work permit, they faced even greater difficulties. “But in the Netherlands, we didn’t pass the probation period and were fired after three days. The job required us to work on a...

Guest Opinion: The View From China on Kyrgyzstan

The 9th Asian Winter Games will kick off in Harbin on February 7, 2025. According to the organizing committee, 1,275 athletes from 34 Asian countries and regions have registered to compete, making it the largest event in the event’s history. The record-high participation partly reflects the growing appeal of winter sports across Asia and showcases the continent’s diversity and unity. Among those attending the event is the delegation from Kyrgyzstan, which is sending around 50 athletes to compete in biathlon, alpine skiing, figure skating, ice hockey, and curling. As this edition of the Asian Winter Games is set to open, the spotlight is not just on the athletes from across the continent, but also on the broader regional ties the event symbolizes. Indeed, in a world where the level of geopolitical uncertainties is high, some partnerships stand the test of time. At the invitation of Chinese President Xi Jinping, Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov will pay a state visit to China from February 4 to 7. Over the past three decades or so, China and Kyrgyzstan have navigated global challenges while steadily strengthening their ties. Through frequent high-level exchanges and growing cooperation across multiple sectors, the two nations have built a bond that’s only grown stronger over the past three decades. At the heart of this partnership are Chinese President Xi Jinping and Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov, whose meetings over the years have deepened mutual trust. Back in February 2022, Japarov visited China to attend the Beijing Winter Olympics opening ceremony and held talks with Xi. Later that year, in September, they met again at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Summit in Samarkand. In 2023, Japarov made a state visit to China and attended the China-Central Asia Summit. It was during this visit that both nations decided to elevate their ties to a comprehensive strategic partnership for a new era. Their most recent bilateral meeting took place in July 2024 during the SCO Summit, with Japarov's state visit to China now taking place from February 4 to 7. Economic Ties China has consistently been Kyrgyzstan's top trading partner - primary import-based - and biggest investor. The two nations continue to strengthen cooperation in energy, transportation, and agriculture, driving regional economic integration. Chinese enterprises in construction, oil refining, cement, and mining have been investing in Kyrgyzstan over the years, and their investments yield tangible results. Trade between China and Kyrgyzstan has been on an upward trajectory. From January to November 2024, bilateral trade reached $19.86 billion, an 11% increase year-on-year, showcasing a positive trend in economic cooperation. A long-anticipated project, the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan (CKU) railway, has finally moved from vision to reality. Once completed, this railway will serve as a crucial trade corridor, enhancing regional connectivity and providing a major boost to Kyrgyzstan’s economic development. Additionally, the partial opening of the Bedel Pass, increasing direct flights between Chinese and Kyrgyz cities, and improved cross-border transportation all contribute to smoother trade and travel between the two countries. Chinese-funded infrastructure projects, such as road network...

Does the European Parliament Judge Central Asia Fairly?

In 2024, European Parliament (EP) resolutions on Central Asia emphasized its increasing significance in a world that is being reshaped by Russia’s war on Ukraine and China’s growing assertiveness. They focused on strengthening the EU’s partnerships with Central Asia while seeking to advance democratic values and human rights. These Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreements aim to support economic reforms, foster sustainable development, and encourage regional cooperation. At the same time, reflecting the EU’s strategic focus on stability and resilience in the region, the EP’s resolutions urged the Central Asian states to decrease their dependency on Russian energy and avoid facilitating sanctions evasion. For the Central Asian countries, all these initiatives present opportunities to address pressing challenges and pave the way for growth. Advancing democratic governance and protecting fundamental rights, for example, can foster more inclusive and stable societies. Deeper engagement with the EU also offers access to advanced technologies and investments (as well as global markets), which are necessary for innovation and infrastructure upgrades. Likewise, the diversification of energy sources enhances regional self-reliance, reducing vulnerabilities that are tied to over-dependence on a single partner. Alignment with EU priorities, including resistance to autocratic pressures, gives Central Asia a better chance to develop its resilience and interconnected future. Some voices in the region, however — particularly among government officials and more traditionally-minded citizens — view the European Parliament's 2024 resolutions as overly critical, indeed influenced by special interests that fail to take into account the region’s unique challenges and priorities. From a Central Asian perspective, the criticisms contained in the EP’s resolutions lack essential context, focus narrowly on perceived shortcomings, and fail to give adequate consideration to the complex situation underlying governmental decisions. Such a one-sided approach, they suggest, overlooks essential cultural, historical, socio-political, and geopolitical factors. The result is a significant gap between the EU’s expectations on the one hand, and, on the other, what is reasonable to expect given the realities on the ground. The drafters of these documents often focus excessively on identifying deficiencies in democratic processes. They report violations without contextualizing the governments’ choices and often omit any mention of the views of the general public. The unfortunate consequence is that such criticisms vitiate good-faith attempts to build cooperation and partnership. The ideal becomes the enemy of the possible. Most Europeans still have a poor understanding of Central Asia. Many MEPs lack the time or resources to grasp the region’s complexity. Instead, their decisions are too often informed by resolutions that are drafted by a small group of “experts”. The language of these resolutions often reflects the drafters’ personal biases, which in turn risk deforming Europe’s strategic relationships with the region. A lack of proper scrutiny is all the more alarming in light of the Qatargate scandal, which exposed how state-funded lobbyists can distort human rights narratives to advance specific agendas. Maria Arena, the former head of the European Parliament's Subcommittee on Human Rights (DROI), played a central role in shaping judgments on democratic practices in Central Asia,...