Afghanistan - The Times Of Central Asia

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Uzbek Minister: Afghans Have the Right to Amu Darya Water Too

The construction of the Qosh Tepa Canal in northern Afghanistan has attracted growing attention from neighboring countries, particularly Uzbekistan. The ambitious project, initiated by the Taliban to divert water from the Amu Darya River, is expected to be completed by 2028. Uzbekistan’s Minister of Water Resources, Shavkat Khamraev, addressed the issue during a public meeting on March 18, according to Gazeta.uz. When asked about the canal’s potential impact on Uzbekistan, Khamraev emphasized that Afghanistan has a legitimate right to access the Amu Darya’s waters. He dismissed speculation that the project represents a hostile act, urging a focus on diplomacy and cooperation. “Afghans are our relatives. They also have the right to take water from the Amu Darya. Should we take up arms and fight? No, we are building better relations,” said Khamraev. He urged the public not to be swayed by rumors or misinformation, comparing such speculation to gossip that turns neighbors against each other. Khamraev also noted that he had visited Afghanistan multiple times recently and was warmly received, which he sees as a sign of improving bilateral relations. Rising Concerns About Regional Water Security Despite the minister’s reassurances, experts warn that the canal could exacerbate water shortages across Central Asia. Over 80% of the region’s water resources are used for agriculture, but nearly 40% is lost due to outdated and inefficient infrastructure. If water availability from the Amu Darya decreases, greater pressure may be placed on the Syr Darya River, potentially deepening existing water disputes. Strategic and Geopolitical Implications The canal project has also drawn attention from international observers. A report by the Center for the National Interest, a Washington, D.C.-based think tank, suggests that the United States could leverage the project to expand its influence in the region. Stretching 287 kilometers with a depth of 8.5 meters and a width of 100 meters, the Qosh Tepa Canal aims to irrigate over 1.2 million acres of farmland and create approximately 200,000 jobs in Afghanistan’s northern provinces. As construction progresses, the canal’s environmental, political, and economic impacts are likely to remain a key topic in regional diplomacy.

Afghanistan humanitarian aid Uzbekistan

Uzbekistan Delivers Humanitarian Aid to Afghanistan for Navruz and Eid

Uzbekistan has delivered humanitarian aid to Afghanistan in advance of the Navruz holiday and the upcoming Eid al-Fitr. According to the Surkhandarya regional administration, approximately 200 tons of food products were sent to Afghanistan’s Balkh region. The aid was formally handed over in the city of Hairaton, at the Afghan facility of the Astras company. The ceremony was attended by Ismatilla Irgashev, Special Representative of the President of Uzbekistan for Afghanistan, Ulugbek Qosimov, Governor of Surkhandarya region, and Afghan and Uzbek officials. Muhammad Yusuf Vafo, Governor of Balkh, also took part. The shipment included flour, wheat, pasta, vegetable oil, sugar, instant noodles, red beans, and mung beans. Afghan officials expressed appreciation to the president and people of Uzbekistan for their continued support and extended their warm wishes for the upcoming Eid celebrations. During the visit, delegations from both countries met in Mazar-i-Sharif to discuss future cooperation. Talks also covered Uzbekistan’s role in supporting the construction of the Imam Bukhari mausoleum in Afghanistan. This aid comes amid ongoing economic challenges in Afghanistan following the Taliban's return to power in 2021. As traditional donors such as the United States and the European Union reduce their presence, Afghanistan increasingly depends on regional support from neighbors like Uzbekistan. Uzbekistan has previously extended medical assistance as well. At the end of last year, it was announced that Uzbek doctors would provide free medical examinations to residents of Balkh.

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UN Envoy for Afghanistan Otunbayeva: Taliban Must Uphold International Obligations and Restore Women’s Rights

The Taliban must clearly demonstrate their commitment to Afghanistan’s international reintegration, Roza Otunbayeva, former President of Kyrgyzstan and now Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General for Afghanistan, told the UN Security Council on March 10. Otunbayeva, who also heads the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA), stressed the need for the Taliban to uphold international obligations, particularly concerning human rights and governance. Ongoing Crisis in Afghanistan “The de facto authorities have, so far, treated [Afghanistan’s] international obligations selectively,” Otunbayeva stated. However, she underscored that these commitments “affect not only the possibility of progress along the political pathway but, most crucially, the well-being of Afghanistan’s entire population.” Afghanistan continues to face a severe humanitarian crisis, she warned, adding that the ongoing defunding of aid programs is already having, and will continue to have, a devastating impact on the Afghan people. Welcoming the World Bank’s recent decision to provide an additional $240 million for Afghanistan’s health sector, Otunbayeva highlighted the collaborative approach between the UN and its partners in supporting the country’s economy. While Afghanistan has seen some economic growth and increased investment, she argued that the Taliban’s vision of economic self-sufficiency remains unattainable unless political and diplomatic obstacles to reintegration are addressed. Otunbayeva also expressed concern over the continued restrictions on women’s rights in Afghanistan. UNAMA has closely monitored the Taliban’s enforcement of the Law on the Prevention of Vice and Promotion of Virtue, introduced in August 2024. “The law demonstrates the de facto authorities’ prioritization of ideology over international obligations,” she stated. Afghanistan and Central Asia: Strengthening Regional Ties The Security Council also heard statements from several regional representatives. Kazakhstan’s delegate noted that the country has launched a wheat-farming initiative in central Afghanistan to empower local farmers. Additionally, Kazakhstan has supported the establishment of the United Nations Regional Centre for the Sustainable Development Goals for Central Asia and Afghanistan in Almaty. Both Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan have removed the Taliban from their lists of terrorist organizations in an effort to deepen trade and economic ties with Afghanistan. Meanwhile, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan have sought to establish formal political contacts with the Taliban-led Afghan government and expand economic and transport infrastructure cooperation. In contrast, Tajikistan’s relations with the Taliban remain strained. Afghanistan remains heavily dependent on electricity imports from Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, both of which are also involved in Afghan railway construction projects. Turkmenistan is currently participating in the construction of the Afghan section of the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) pipeline, which will transport Turkmen natural gas to South Asia. Speaking at the 79th session of the UN General Assembly in September 2024, Uzbekistan’s Foreign Minister Bakhtiyor Saidov reaffirmed that Afghanistan is an integral part of Central Asia and that addressing its challenges is essential for regional stability and development. “Uzbekistan is pursuing a pragmatic policy towards Afghanistan. We will continue to contribute to Afghanistan’s economic reconstruction and the development of its transport and energy infrastructure,” he stated. In August 2024, Uzbekistan opened the International Trade Center in Termez, near the Afghan...

Opinion: Balancing Rights and Realities – Engaging Afghanistan for Change

The attention of the international community has once again turned to human rights in Afghanistan following the latest report by Richard Bennett, the United Nations Human Rights Council’s Special Rapporteur on Afghanistan. In his report, Bennett recommended that member states consider the concept of gender apartheid and support its codification, noting that Afghan women regard this term as the most accurate description of their situation. This initiative emerged in response to the tightening restrictions on women and girls imposed by the Taliban. The renewed focus on gender issues is not exactly what Central Asian countries expect in the context of Afghan settlement. For them, it is far more important to address pressing issues of security, economic cooperation, and control of migration flows, which directly affect regional stability. Therefore, Central Asian states prefer to concentrate on practical steps and avoid over-politicizing issues that could complicate dialogue with the Taliban and exacerbate the situation in neighboring Afghanistan. Today, women’s rights have become a cornerstone in the international community’s attempts to establish dialogue with the Taliban. The rights of women in Afghanistan have been a journey, with different periods bringing different challenges. Back in the 1920s, Amanullah Khan was a real game-changer, giving Afghan women the official equal status they deserved. But then things changed a bit during King Zahir Shah's reign (1933–1973) when education became a priority, and girls started going to school. By 1973, a heartening number of 150,000 girls were proudly enrolled in schools across the country. And let's not forget the momentous step of Kabul University opening its doors to women in 1947. Since the Taliban’s return to power in August 2021, women’s rights in Afghanistan have been significantly curtailed. Women are banned from attending educational institutions, working in most sectors, traveling without a male escort, and participating in public life. These measures have already received widespread international condemnation — rightfully so — but the official recognition of "gender apartheid" as a crime against humanity could give this issue a new legal status and increase pressure on the Islamic Emirate. The question is: How productive is this approach? The politicization of Afghan settlement, especially through the lens of women’s rights, may only worsen the situation. Making gender issues a precondition for dialogue severely limits the space for negotiations with the Taliban regime. In the United Nations itself, the Taliban are considered the "de facto authorities" of Afghanistan, and dialogue with them takes place at various bilateral and multilateral levels. In this context, strict demands on women’s rights could delay or even halt the process of engagement. This is because the Taliban perceives such conditions as interference in their internal affairs and cultural norms. Dialogue at an Impasse: Is an Inclusive Government Being Set Aside? The international community — primarily its Western segment — and the Islamic Emirate have taken extremely rigid positions. For international actors, women’s and girls’ rights have become the top priority, while the issue of forming an inclusive government in Afghanistan has receded into the background....

Afghanistan Strategy Diplomacy Regional Development Regional Security

Afghanistan: Rentier State or Hostage to Foreign Aid?

The current geopolitical turbulence presents Afghanistan and the countries of Central Asia with serious challenges. After the Taliban's return to power in 2021, Afghanistan found itself in a state of deep economic crisis, and its continued stability once again depends on external assistance. However, with the shifting global order, traditional donors such as the U.S. and the European Union are scaling back their involvement in Afghan affairs, while new sources of support remain uncertain. This creates significant risks for the countries of the region, which must find ways to minimize the consequences of Afghanistan’s crisis and ensure their own security. Historical context: dependence through the ages Afghanistan has always been dependent on external sources of income. This historical context was explored by Ali Nuriyev (historian, blogger, and researcher of the Ottoman world) in his article for TRT, "Afghanistan: The Graveyard of Empires or a Rentier State?" “As flattering as it may be for Afghans to have a reputation as [a nation that has kept its independence despite incursions from Great Powers], everything comes at a price, including Afghanistan’s independence”. Nuriyev provides a detailed analysis showing that since the founding of modern Afghanistan in the 18th century by Ahmad Shah Durrani, the country has built its economy and politics on external sources of income. Durrani financed his campaigns through raids on India, while his successors received subsidies from the British in exchange for maintaining neutrality in the "Great Game" between the British Empire and Russia. Later, in the 20th century, Afghanistan skillfully played on the rivalry between the USSR and the U.S., securing billions of dollars for infrastructure, education, and military modernization. By the 1970s, two-thirds of the country's state budget came from foreign aid. Even after the Soviet withdrawal in 1989 and the overthrow of the Taliban regime in 2001, Afghanistan continued to rely on external support. The governments of Hamid Karzai and Ashraf Ghani survived primarily due to funding from the United States and its allies. Today, following the Taliban’s return to power in 2021, Afghanistan is once again searching for new sources of income. Sanctions and frozen assets have forced the Taliban to seek support from China, Russia, and other nations, further proving that the country’s reliance on foreign aid remains unchanged. This is the historical reality: Afghanistan is a state that, for centuries, has survived thanks to external resources. Its independence has always been closely tied to its ability to extract benefits from the geopolitical maneuvers of great powers. In the present day, this historical context can be interpreted in different ways. However, one fact remains clear, today’s geopolitical turbulence is already having a negative impact on Afghanistan. Afghanistan's adaptation As the global order shifts, the key players on the "Afghan track" are adjusting their strategies toward Afghanistan, exacerbating the country’s economic crisis. United States – For Afghanistan, the new realities in the U.S. mean reduced aid and frozen assets. The U.S., which had long been Afghanistan’s primary donor, is unlikely to increase financial support soon. Following...

Afghanistan Taliban Bilateral Relations Bilateral Trade Qosh Tepa canal

Uzbekistan Sees Opportunities in Afghanistan

Uzbekistan’s business relations with neighboring Afghanistan are booming. In 2024, Uzbek-Afghan trade came to some $1.1 billion, and more than $1 billion of that was Uzbek exports to Afghanistan. It seems after the February 22-23 visit of Taliban acting Deputy Prime Minister for Economic Affairs Abdul Ghani Baradar to Uzbekistan, that figure is likely to continue climbing. Baradar met with Uzbek Prime Minister Abdullo Aripov and Deputy Prime Minister Jamshid Khojayev to discuss trade and investment, which is essentially the basis of Uzbekistan’s relations with Taliban-ruled Afghanistan. The immediate results of these talks were modest, but projects due to start in the near future offer substantial profits for both Uzbekistan and Afghanistan. Uzbekistan agreed to lift restrictions on imports of Afghan agricultural goods, which facilitated another agreement establishing a free economic zone in Uzbekistan’s border area that would have factories for processing pine nuts and cotton from Afghanistan. Agricultural goods are the bulk of Afghanistan’s exports to Uzbekistan, which is not surprising since more than 40 years of war have prevented Afghanistan from building many plants and factories for producing finished goods. A report from November 2024 said in the first ten months of the year, Uzbekistan’s exports to Afghanistan came to some $855.9 million, while Afghan exports to Uzbekistan amounted to only some $28.3 million. Power On Uzbekistan is the leading exporter of electricity to Afghanistan, supplying nearly 60% of Afghanistan’s electricity imports, and that amount could increase soon. Baradar’s delegation discussed progress on the 500 kV transmission line from Uzbekistan’s Surkhan region to Dashti-Alvan, near the Baghlan provincial capital Pul-e-Khumri, which will increase Uzbekistan’s electricity exports to Afghanistan by some 70%. Construction of the 260-kilometer transmission line started in 2018 and has been repeatedly delayed. Baradar said Uzbek officials agreed to cut the cost of building the transmission line from $252 million to $222 million. Turkmenistan is also considering building a 500 kV transmission line to Dashti-Alvan. Uzbek Deputy Prime Minister Khojayev and Baradar reviewed progress at Afghanistan’s Toti-Mardan gas field, just south of the border with Turkmenistan, which is believed to contain vast reserves of natural gas. In November 2024, Uzbekistan signed a ten-year contract to develop the gas field, pledging to invest $100 million in the project each year. According to reports about Baradar’s recent visit, drilling at the site is expected to begin soon. Prime Minister Aripov said Uzbek investors were already preparing to start construction of a cement plant in Afghanistan’s Samangan Province. Taliban officials have been offering Uzbek companies opportunities in Afghanistan’s mining sector for months. The Taliban acting minister of mines and petroleum, Hidayatullah Badri, was part of Baradar’s delegation and he met with Uzbek officials to discuss cooperation in developing Afghanistan’s mineral resources. The Afghan delegation again proposed Uzbek participation in developing mining sites, but there was no word in reports on any agreements. Aripov mentioned Uzbekistan was interested in exploration and extraction of oil and gas, both of which Uzbekistan needs for domestic consumption, but did not mention mining....