EU - The Times Of Central Asia

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Hungary

Central Asia Holds Back on Hungary Election as Orbán Era Ends

Central Asian governments have still yet to issue public statements on Hungary’s election, which brought an end to Viktor Orbán’s 16-year tenure. Hungary’s National Election Office published official updates after the April 12 vote, with Orbán conceding defeat after preliminary results indicated a landslide victory for Péter Magyar’s Tisza party. European leaders responded quickly, but no comparable messages have appeared on the main official channels in Astana, Tashkent, Bishkek, Dushanbe, or Ashgabat. The absence is not a breach of diplomatic protocol. Governments often wait for formal certification or initial contacts before issuing congratulations after parliamentary elections. Yet Hungary occupies a distinct place in Central Asia’s external relations. It is an observer in the Organization of Turkic States, and President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev attended the informal OTS summit in Budapest, where Viktor Orbán hosted regional leaders and promoted closer ties. Hungary has presented itself as a bridge between Central Asia and the European Union, with regular high-level exchanges and expanding economic links. Recent precedent underscores the contrast. Following Hungary’s 2022 election, Kazakhstan’s Akorda said Kassym-Jomart Tokayev sent Viktor Orbán a congratulatory telegram on April 4, the day after the vote, and Uzbekistan reported that President Shavkat Mirziyoyev phoned Orbán on April 14, 2022 to offer his congratulations. No similar outreach has been made public so far in 2026. The delay reflects a period of adjustment rather than a clear shift. Orbán’s government had cultivated close personal and political ties with Central Asian leaders, and Budapest played an active role in advancing cooperation through the Turkic framework. A new Hungarian administration may recalibrate those priorities as it seeks to strengthen relations within the EU, creating uncertainty for partners that had relied on Hungary as a consistent advocate in Europe. For now, the silence signals caution. Central Asian governments appear to be waiting for the formal transition in Budapest and for early indications of the new government’s foreign policy. If statements follow in the coming days, the current pause will look procedural. If it continues, it will carry more weight as a sign of recalibration in a relationship that had been unusually close.

EU-Turkmenistan Relations

Turkmenistan Opens the Door a Little Wider to Europe

Turkmenistan has historically been a difficult partner to deal with. The Turkmen government’s isolationist policies run counter to deep cooperation with any foreign party, but the Turkmen authorities seem to now perceive that these policies are costing them opportunities and revenue. In one of the latest shifts in foreign policy, Turkmenistan appears to be warming up relations with the European Union, though currently, the EU has its own reasons to boost interaction with Turkmenistan. Let’s Meet For decades, the EU and many other countries and international organizations have gone through frustrating efforts to establish a reliable relationship with Turkmenistan. Ashgabat’s form of governance is based on a cult of personality, a supposedly infallible leader capable of protecting the country from the evils of the outside world. The UN recognition in December 1995 of Turkmenistan’s neutrality was used by its government to seal off the country. It would normally be easy for the rest of the world to ignore Turkmenistan. However, Turkmenistan possesses the planet’s fourth-largest proven natural gas reserves, and it is located on what is developing into a key global trade route. On March 20, the European Investment Bank’s (EIB) regional representative for Central Asia, Olivier Kueny, complimented Turkmenistan for its “ambitions in transport and… projects that reduce greenhouse gases.“ Kueny noted that, “with direct access to the Caspian Sea, [Turkmenistan] is a key node” of the Trans-Caspian International Transport Corridor (TITR). He hinted the EIB could be interested in investing in Turkmenistan’s “rail, road, rolling stock and port infrastructure [that] could help reduce the cost and time needed to move goods between continents.“ On March 26, Charlotte Adriaen, the head of the EU division for Central Asia and Afghanistan, met in Ashgabat with Turkmenistan’s Deputy Foreign Minister, Myahri Byashimova, to discuss energy cooperation. The two also reviewed EU programs for sustainable energy, trade, and digital connectivity. On the same day, there was also a “New Horizons for Connectivity, Investment and Sustainable Growth” Turkmenistan-EU business forum in Ashgabat. Turkmenistan’s Minister of Finance and Economy, Mammetguly Astanagulov, addressed more than 200 delegates attending the forum, telling them his country is ready to expand trade, transport, and energy cooperation with the EU. Astanagulov noted EU-Turkmenistan trade increased from $1.1 billion in 2024 to $2.1 billion in 2025. EU Ambassador to Turkmenistan Beata Peksa also spoke at the forum. She noted Turkmenistan’s growing role in global transport corridors between Europe and Asia and said the EU is seeking to work more closely with Turkmenistan on improving investment conditions in the country. Peksa also mentioned helping Turkmenistan improve regulatory frameworks and investment in modern technologies to increase efficiency in moving cargo. On April 1, Adriaen met with representatives from Turkmenistan’s State Service of Maritime and River Transportation at the Turkmenbashi International Seaport on the Caspian coast to discuss the port’s role in the TITR and projects at the Balkan shipbuilding yard. And on April 7, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) co-sponsored an “Export Experience Exchange” conference in Ashgabat, the aim...

Uzbekistan and EU Sign Landmark Enhanced Partnership Agreement in Brussels

President Shavkat Mirziyoyev of Uzbekistan paid an official visit to Brussels on October 23-24 at the invitation of European Council President Antonio Costa and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, where a landmark agreement was signed to deepen Uzbekistan-EU cooperation across multiple sectors. During the visit, Mirziyoyev attended the signing ceremony of the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (EPCA), which replaces the 1996 Partnership and Cooperation Agreement. The new accord significantly broadens the scope of bilateral ties, covering areas such as trade, investment, digital technologies, environmental protection, and climate resilience. Negotiations began in February 2019 and concluded in July 2022. The EPCA includes nine sections, 356 articles, and 14 annexes, forming a comprehensive legal framework for political dialogue and long-term economic collaboration. It aims to bolster cooperation in trade, innovation, sustainable development, education, and cultural exchange between Uzbekistan and EU member states. In Brussels, Mirziyoyev also participated in a roundtable with executives from leading European companies and financial institutions, including Vandewiele, Linde, Lasselsberger Group, Meridiam, SUEZ, the European Investment Bank, Commerzbank, and KfW. The parties agreed to pursue new joint projects worth over €10 billion in sectors such as energy, chemicals, critical minerals, logistics, textiles, and pharmaceuticals. These initiatives build on an existing portfolio of EU-led projects in Uzbekistan, currently valued at more than €40 billion. Over the past seven years, trade between Uzbekistan and the European Union has doubled, while the number of joint ventures with European investment has surpassed one thousand. Mirziyoyev highlighted that the partnership is grounded in mutual trust and shared priorities, particularly in human capital development, renewable energy, digital transformation, and sustainable infrastructure. The President outlined four priority areas for expanding cooperation: joint production of high-value goods through deeper processing of strategic raw materials; collaboration in the green economy; development of logistics and transport corridors linking Europe and Asia; and partnerships in digital technologies, including artificial intelligence and cybersecurity. On the sidelines of the visit, Mirziyoyev met with King Philippe of Belgium at Laeken Palace. The two leaders discussed trade, investment, and cultural ties, with the King congratulating Uzbekistan on the signing of the historic EPCA. Relations between Uzbekistan and Belgium continue to grow, with rising trade volumes and expanding business cooperation. Belgian firms are active in Uzbekistan’s textile, logistics, and service sectors, while cultural ties have also deepened. Notable milestones include the unveiling of a bust of Ibn Sina in Kortrijk and sister-city partnerships such as Tashkent-Kortrijk and Samarkand-Liège. Mirziyoyev extended an official invitation to King Philippe to visit Uzbekistan, underscoring a shared commitment to strengthening bilateral ties in the years ahead.

Aviation

Kyrgyzstan Says It’s Close to Being Removed from EU Flight Ban

A delegation from Kyrgyzstan’s Civil Aviation Agency will meet European officials in Brussels next month, marking another step in the campaign to end a two-decade ban on Kyrgyz airlines operating in the European Union because of safety concerns. The October 7 meeting will be followed by a final European audit in December as Kyrgyzstan moves into the last stage of being removed from the EU’s so-called “blacklist” of air carriers, Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov said last week during the re-opening of two of the country’s airports, Naryn and Kazarman. "Thus, we firmly believe that the European skies, which have been closed since 2006, will reopen for Kyrgyzstan,” said Japarov, who predicted that the possible removal of the ban would boost international tourism in the Central Asian country. Kanat Tologonov, deputy director of Kyrgyzstan’s Civil Aviation Agency, said this week that European officials will decide on whether to lift the air ban on Kyrgyzstan in May 2026, according to the 24.kg news agency. Speaking to a parliamentary committee on budget and fiscal policy, Tologonov said Kyrgyzstan successfully passed 2023-2024 audits of the International Civil Aviation Organization, a U.N. agency that oversees safety and other aspects of air travel. As Kyrgyzstan’s bid to regain access to EU skies gains momentum, civil aviation chief Daniyar Bostonov met representatives of the International Air Transport Association this week to discuss upgrading air navigation and the digitization of passenger and air cargo transportation. The EU Air Safety List is a list of air carriers that it says do not fulfil international safety standards and it bars those airlines “from operating to, in and from the EU, including the overflight.” Sixteen carriers from Kyrgyzstan are on the list, out of a total of 169 banned airlines, according to a June update. The EU barred Kyrgyzstan because of inadequate regulation in the aviation sector and failure to comply with international safety standards. Civil aviation has been developing in some other parts of Central Asia, including Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan.

Multi-vector Foreign Policy

How Tokayev’s Kazakhstan Bridges Global Powers

Amid the ongoing reshaping of the global order, Kazakhstan is seeking to enhance its role as an emerging middle power. Preserving strong relations with all key geopolitical actors, strengthening its position as a de facto leader in Central Asia, and developing closer ties with other influential states on the world stage appear to be Astana’s top foreign policy priorities. The largest Central Asian state is one of the few countries that maintains good relations with geopolitical rivals such as China and the United States, as well as Russia and the European Union. At the same time, Astana is actively developing closer ties with the Turkey-led Organization of Turkic States, while firmly upholding its longstanding commitment to international law. It is, therefore, no surprise that, during the recently held EU- Central Asia summit in Samarkand, Kazakhstan, along with Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, backed two UN resolution from the 1980s that reject the unilaterally-declared independence of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and deem all secessionist actions there legally invalid. Such a policy perfectly aligns with Kazakhstan President’s Kassym-Jomart Tokayev’s 2022 statement, in which he affirmed Astana’s non-recognition of Taiwan, Kosovo, South Ossetia, or Abkhazia, and the entities he described as quasi-states, namely Luhansk and Donetsk. “In general, it has been calculated that if the right of nations to self-determination is actually realized throughout the globe, then instead of the 193 states that are now members of the UN, more than 500 or 600 states will emerge on Earth. Of course, it will be chaos,” Tokayev stressed. In other words, Kazakhstan upholds the principle of territorial integrity for all UN-member states, a stance similar to China’s policy. Despite their history of often supporting the right to self-determination over the principle of territorial integrity, Russia and the West do not seem to oppose Tokayev’s approach. As a result, the President of Kazakhstan remains one of the few world leaders who can attend the May 9 Victory Day parade in Moscow, regularly meet with EU officials, and participate in China-led initiatives. As the first Central Asian leader to speak with newly elected U.S. President Donald Trump in December 2024, Tokayev is also signaling his intention to deepen relations with the United States. All these actions demonstrate that, for Kazakhstan under Tokayev, the well-known multi-vector foreign policy remains without an alternative at this point. Although it is Nursultan Nazarbayev, Kazakhstan’s first president, who initiated this approach, it is Tokayev who has been actively implementing it since he came to power in 2019. That, however, does not mean that "multivectorism" has become Astana’s official ideology. It is rather a tool the energy-rich nation’s policymakers are using to improve their country’s position in the international arena. Nowhere is that more obvious than at the Astana International Forum – an annual summit taking place in Kazakhstan’s capital – where leaders from diverse countries, often with differing goals and values, come together to discuss global challenges, foster dialogue, and seek common ground. The fact that this year Astana will host...

Oil and Gas

Gas Crunch in Uzbekistan: Industry Falters as Demand Surges

In the first two months of 2025, Uzbekistan's natural gas production declined by 4.2% compared to the same period in 2024, continuing a troubling trend that has seen output fall from 61.59 billion cubic meters in 2018 to 44.59 billion cubic meters in 2024. This persistent decrease raises concerns about the nation’s energy security and economic stability. Once among Central Asia’s energy success stories, Uzbekistan became a net importer of natural gas in 2023, a symbolic turning point for a country whose identity was long intertwined with hydrocarbon abundance. The extent of the strain was demonstrated in December 2024, when gas stations around the country were forced to close during a cold snap as heating systems across the country kicked into action. This led drivers of methane-powered cars, which are common in the country given that it costs about $15 to fill the tank as opposed to $40-50 in a gasoline-powered vehicle, into a desperate hunt for places to fill up. Kilometer-long queues formed, and drivers ferociously competed to be first to the pump. Such scenes have become a familiar sight in the Uzbek winter as gas production has fallen. “Uzbekistan’s gas production is already quite mature,” Anne-Sophie Corbeau of Columbia University’s Center on Global Energy Policy told The Times of Central Asia. “The existing fields are entering a phase of decline. The reserve-to-production ratio was around 18 years based on 2020 data, and the situation is unlikely to be much better now.” Put simply, the country is running out of easy gas. Despite repeated efforts to locate new reserves, particularly in the under-explored Ustyurt region, exploration has so far failed to yield significant breakthroughs. Even if discoveries are made, the timeline to bring new fields online would mean little impact before 2030, at best. In parallel, demand for gas has remained stubbornly high. Corbeau noted that “the country’s energy mix and electricity generation are very dependent on natural gas. And Uzbekistan is one of the countries with the lowest wholesale gas prices in the world.” Those prices have long distorted both domestic consumption and investor interest, keeping demand high while choking off potential upstream capital. [caption id="attachment_30630" align="aligncenter" width="1209"] Image: Wholesale Gas Price Survey 2024 Edition. International Gas Union. https://www.datocms-assets.com/[/caption] This sentiment is echoed by Irina Mironova, Senior Energy Analyst at the New Energy Advancement Hub. “Domestic production is declining faster than consumption,” she said, “and domestic gas pricing is not market-based. It remains below the price of imported gas, which undermines the investment appeal of upstream projects for foreign investors.” The government has undertaken some measures to control demand over the past year, raising the tariffs for electricity and gas by 52.5% and 71% respectively, hitting consumers in the pocket in an attempt to alter the wasteful use of scant resources. On the supply side, the government has declared a bold ambition to raise production to 62 billion cubic meters annually under its Uzbekistan–2030 development strategy, but observers remain skeptical. “They’ve tried to facilitate exploration, especially in the...