Cotton - The Times Of Central Asia

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Irrigation

Kazakhstan Sets Irrigation Limits for Southern Regions and Reduces Water-Intensive Crops

Kazakhstan has introduced limits on irrigation water use in its southern regions and is reducing the cultivation of water-intensive crops as authorities seek to prevent shortages during the 2026 growing season. At a government meeting on May 12, Minister of Water Resources and Irrigation Nurzhan Nurzhigitov said reservoirs in the country’s southern regions had accumulated 26.2 billion cubic meters of water, 500 million cubic meters more than during the same period last year. Agriculture in Kazakhstan’s arid southern regions depends heavily on water collected during the spring snowmelt period, as well as water flowing from upstream Kyrgyzstan. To avoid irrigation shortages, the government established water-consumption limits for the main agricultural regions. The Turkestan region received a limit of 3.8 billion cubic meters, followed by the Kyzylorda region with 3.2 billion cubic meters, the Almaty region with 2.1 billion cubic meters, the Zhetisu region with 1.8 billion cubic meters, and the Zhambyl region with 900 million cubic meters. Authorities said all preparatory work for the irrigation season has been completed. This included mechanized cleaning of 1,840 kilometers of irrigation canals, reconstruction of 680 kilometers of irrigation networks, and repairs to 375 hydraulic facilities. To ensure stable water supplies through the canal system, 181 pumping units have been prepared, while an additional 92 pumps are expected to be purchased. Since the beginning of the year, Kazakhstan has also shifted the process of concluding water-supply contracts with farmers to an electronic format. The new digital system covers the entire water-supply cycle, including applications, contract execution, monitoring of actual water consumption, and payment processing. To date, more than 25,000 electronic contracts have been signed with farmers. “To increase transparency and strengthen operational control over water-resource management, satellite monitoring based on Earth remote sensing is being introduced across all five southern regions of the country. Since the beginning of the year, satellite monitoring has identified 39 cases of water withdrawal without contracts in the Turkestan region, where farmers illegally used approximately 790,000 cubic meters of water,” Nurzhigitov said. At the same government meeting, Deputy Agriculture Minister Azat Sultanov said Kazakhstan plans to sow crops on a total area of 23.8 million hectares this year, 180,000 hectares more than in 2025. Priority is being given to more profitable crops. The area under oilseed cultivation will exceed 4 million hectares, while forage crops will cover 3.3 million hectares. Kazakhstan is also continuing efforts to diversify agricultural production. The area planted with grain crops will be reduced by 127,000 hectares. As part of water-saving measures, the government is cutting back on water-intensive crops such as rice and cotton. Rice cultivation areas have been reduced by 20,200 hectares. At the same time, the area under drip-irrigated cotton has increased by 29,800 hectares, while cotton grown using traditional irrigation methods has been reduced by 12,000 hectares.

Agriculture

Uzbekistan to Borrow $400 Million to Accelerate Agricultural Mechanization

Uzbekistan has approved a plan to attract up to $400 million in foreign loans to finance the purchase of agricultural machinery and equipment, according to a presidential decree signed on March 13. The initiative is intended to increase the level of mechanization in the agricultural sector, with particular emphasis on cotton harvesting. Officials have set a target of achieving a 70% share of machine-assisted cotton picking in 2026, aiming to improve efficiency and reduce labor intensity. Under the decree, commercial banks will distribute foreign credit lines provided under state guarantees to farmers and agricultural enterprises. The loans will have a maturity period of up to 10 years, including a two-year grace period. Interest rates will be set at the Central Bank’s base rate plus a 4% margin charged by participating banks. Payments for cotton and grain harvesters supplied through these preferential loans and leasing arrangements in 2026 will be scheduled twice a year, on January 31 and July 31. Uzbekistan has officially abolished Soviet-era practices of forced labor and eliminated state cotton production quotas in 2020. The government has also cooperated with the International Labour Organization to monitor labor conditions in the sector. In March 2022, the international coalition Cotton Campaign lifted its boycott of Uzbek cotton, citing the elimination of systemic forced labor that had previously prompted more than 330 global brands to avoid sourcing from the country.

Cotton

Turkmenistan Considers Cotton Exports to Kyrgyzstan

Turkmenistan is exploring the possibility of exporting cotton to Kyrgyzstan as part of a broader effort to jointly develop the textile industry, according to Danil Ibrayev, a member of the presidium of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) Business Council and President of the Kyrgyz Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs. He shared the update during an interview with Birinchi Radio. Ibrayev noted that both countries are currently discussing practical mechanisms for supplying Turkmen cotton to Kyrgyz enterprises, where it would be processed into finished textile products. These products could then be sold domestically or exported, including to other EAEU member states. “Turkmenistan produces large volumes of cotton. We are now discussing how to organize its delivery to Kyrgyzstan and develop textile production here,” Ibrayev said. The initiative aligns with Kyrgyzstan’s strategy to revitalize its light industry by securing stable sources of raw materials. Turkmenistan, meanwhile, is seeking to diversify export routes for its agricultural commodities, with cotton remaining a vital component of its economy. Experts cited by local media suggest that such cooperation could deepen industrial integration within Central Asia and reduce dependence on textile imports from outside the region. With growing demand for locally produced goods and the expansion of import substitution policies, regional partnerships are gaining strategic significance. Last year, Kyrgyz officials emphasized the government's commitment to expanding domestic textile production and actively sourcing raw materials from neighboring states. Cotton processing was identified as one of the quickest pathways to job creation and increased exports through value-added manufacturing.

Forced Labor

Medical Staff in Turkmenistan Resign En Masse Over Extortion to Avoid Picking Cotton

Hospitals and clinics in the Turkmen city of Turkmenabat are facing a growing staffing crisis as doctors and nurses resign en masse in protest over extortionate cash demands, particularly those tied to the annual cotton harvest. Efforts by local authorities to ease the burden have so far proven ineffective. According to sources cited by Chronicles of Turkmenistan, three family nurses recently resigned from Turkmenabat City Clinic No. 2, leaving just 11 nursing staff at the facility. Their responsibilities have since been redistributed among remaining colleagues, nearly doubling individual workloads, while salaries have only risen by 30%. The added pressure has led many remaining staff to consider resigning as well. Similar developments are unfolding at other clinics across the city. One doctor and two nurses have left Polyclinic No. 5, while multiple specialists have exited Polyclinics No. 3 and No. 4. The primary cause, according to local healthcare workers, is systematic extortion, most notably mandatory contributions for cotton harvesting. In September, Turkmenistan’s Ministry of Health reportedly issued a directive requiring medical personnel to participate in the cotton campaign. Employees in the Lebap region were assigned daily quotas to pick 45 kilograms of cotton. At both the new multidisciplinary hospital and the infectious diseases hospital in Turkmenabat, medical staff have been dispatched to the fields immediately after completing night shifts. Those unwilling or unable to comply must pay for a substitute picker, at a rate of 50 manats (approximately $14.30) per day. In practice, the burden of physical labor during this period often falls on staff nearing retirement age. One doctor at the infectious diseases hospital revealed that up to two-thirds of some employees’ monthly salaries are spent hiring replacement pickers during the cotton season. “Not everyone can work in the fields after a full shift, but everyone is expected to pay. That’s why many simply quit,” he said. In an attempt to stem the exodus, clinic administrators reduced the daily contribution for hiring workers from 50 to 30 manats (around $8.50) in mid-October. However, sources told Chronicles of Turkmenistan that the adjustment has done little to stop the resignations. Chief physicians have been trying to rehire former employees and bring retirees back into service, but interest remains low. As workloads increase and staff numbers dwindle, the quality of medical care continues to deteriorate.

Cotton

Turkmen Cotton Farmers Frustrated by Mechanized Harvesting Delays and Losses

In Turkmenistan’s Lebap region, tenant farmers are expressing growing frustration over delayed payments and crop losses linked to the government’s push for mechanized cotton harvesting. While the use of combine harvesters is intended to boost efficiency, many farmers say the reality on the ground is causing financial hardship and lower yields. Delayed Payments Compound Financial Pressure In the Chokhbetde village council of Halach district, farmers were told they would not be paid for cotton harvested by combine machines until the entire campaign is complete. All revenues first go to the State Association for Agricultural Technical Services, Turkmenobakhyzmat, which owns the harvesters. Because accounting is based on the season overall rather than by individual field or tenant, farmers are expected to wait for payment. This delay is particularly painful for rural communities that rely on regular cash flow. A tenant farmer from Mashpaya village noted that pickers brought in from urban areas must be paid every ten days, and the payment postponement makes this increasingly difficult. The core complaint, however, is with the quality of mechanized harvesting itself. “Because the combines are poorly adjusted, 10-15% of the cotton ends up on the ground and must be collected by hand,” the Mashpaya farmer said. “Government employees are brought in for this, and they also need to be paid on time.” Beyond the immediate spillage, poorly calibrated machinery damages the plants: drums crush unopened cotton bolls, preventing them from maturing and leading to permanent yield losses. “Two Shifts” and Self-Funded Repairs Concerns about machinery use and maintenance are longstanding. During preparations for the summer grain harvest in Lebap, each combine at local Obahyzmat units was assigned two operators to run in alternating shifts. However, operators were required to fund maintenance and repairs themselves, even for foreign-made equipment such as John Deere and Case combines. The association only supplied tires, promising that repair costs would be reimbursed after the harvest as part of output-based wages and bonuses. In practice, combine crews absorbed heavy expenses. A machine operator from Bayramaly district described frequent technical failures: broken cutter bars, damaged threshing drum pulleys, faulty bearings, and worn connecting rods. “My colleague and I have already borrowed and spent 15,000 manats each, $4,300 at the official exchange rate, or $769 on the black market, just on spare parts,” he said. While some parts are now being produced locally, a repair facility in Turkmenabat has reportedly exceeded production targets for farm machinery components, these improvements have yet to reach most farmers. For now, the burden of keeping equipment running falls largely on the operators and tenant farmers themselves, with financial relief promised only at the end of the harvest season.

Cotton

Central Asia’s Cotton Harvest: Between Reform, Coercion, and Economic Strain

The 2025 cotton harvest is underway across Central Asia, revealing the region’s ongoing struggle to reconcile long-promised reforms with persistent coercion and deepening economic pressure. Once the crown jewel of Soviet central planning, cotton, long dubbed “white gold”, remains a politically sensitive and economically vital crop from Turkmenistan to Tajikistan. Turkmenistan: Forced Mobilization Persists In Turkmenistan, mass mobilization for the cotton harvest continues largely unchanged. Chronicles of Turkmenistan reported that during a September cabinet meeting, President Serdar Berdimuhamedov ordered all regions to begin picking on September 10. Just two days earlier, the Ministry of Health had instructed medical institutions to send doctors, nurses, orderlies, and even technical staff to the fields, each assigned a daily quota of 45 kilograms. In the town of Turkmenabat, hospital workers said doctors were expected to go to the fields immediately after overnight shifts. Those who refuse must hire substitutes at their own expense, paying about 50 manats ($14) per day. As a result, up to two-thirds of monthly salaries are spent covering these unofficial harvest duties. While younger staff are dispatched to the fields, older employees are left to maintain hospital operations with minimal support. Uzbekistan: Reform, but Lingering Coercion Uzbekistan, by contrast, has officially ended Soviet-style forced labor. The government abolished child and public-sector mobilization, scrapped state cotton quotas in 2020, and partnered with the International Labour Organization (ILO) to monitor the transition. In March 2022, the Cotton Campaign, a global coalition of rights groups, unions, and apparel brands, lifted its boycott of Uzbek cotton, citing the end of systemic forced labor. The campaign, which began in 2011, had gained the support of more than 330 global brands, including H&M and Zara. Yet coercion has not entirely disappeared. In a recent video published by Kun.uz, Dilfuza Tashmatova, deputy hokim (governor) for family and women’s affairs in the Surkhandarya region's Sariosiyo district, was seen berating mahalla (local governance body) employees for failing to recruit enough pickers. She demanded that each “women’s activist” find five to ten additional laborers, totaling 150 people, and threatened dismissal for non-compliance. “Are you even a woman? Shameless! Unscrupulous! If you don’t want to work, then leave!” she shouted from a cotton field. According to the U.S. Department of Agriculture, approximately 70% of Uzbekistan’s cotton is still harvested by hand, despite recent gains in mechanization. Labor shortages have plagued the past two harvests as fewer people are willing to take on the physically demanding work for low wages. Mahalla councils are often pressured to mobilize unemployed or low-income residents. Following public backlash, Uzbekistan’s Ministry of Poverty Reduction and Employment fined Tashmatova 20.6 million UZS (about $1,660) under Article 51 of the Administrative Code, which prohibits forced labor. From Soviet Monoculture to Market Reforms Uzbekistan’s long history of forced cotton labor dates back to its designation as the Soviet Union’s cotton monoculture. For decades, students, teachers, and medical staff were sent into the fields to meet state quotas. After independence, the system endured until international scrutiny spurred reforms. The ILO hailed...