Cotton - The Times Of Central Asia

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Agriculture

Uzbekistan to Borrow $400 Million to Accelerate Agricultural Mechanization

Uzbekistan has approved a plan to attract up to $400 million in foreign loans to finance the purchase of agricultural machinery and equipment, according to a presidential decree signed on March 13. The initiative is intended to increase the level of mechanization in the agricultural sector, with particular emphasis on cotton harvesting. Officials have set a target of achieving a 70% share of machine-assisted cotton picking in 2026, aiming to improve efficiency and reduce labor intensity. Under the decree, commercial banks will distribute foreign credit lines provided under state guarantees to farmers and agricultural enterprises. The loans will have a maturity period of up to 10 years, including a two-year grace period. Interest rates will be set at the Central Bank’s base rate plus a 4% margin charged by participating banks. Payments for cotton and grain harvesters supplied through these preferential loans and leasing arrangements in 2026 will be scheduled twice a year, on January 31 and July 31. Uzbekistan has officially abolished Soviet-era practices of forced labor and eliminated state cotton production quotas in 2020. The government has also cooperated with the International Labour Organization to monitor labor conditions in the sector. In March 2022, the international coalition Cotton Campaign lifted its boycott of Uzbek cotton, citing the elimination of systemic forced labor that had previously prompted more than 330 global brands to avoid sourcing from the country.

Cotton

Turkmenistan Considers Cotton Exports to Kyrgyzstan

Turkmenistan is exploring the possibility of exporting cotton to Kyrgyzstan as part of a broader effort to jointly develop the textile industry, according to Danil Ibrayev, a member of the presidium of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) Business Council and President of the Kyrgyz Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs. He shared the update during an interview with Birinchi Radio. Ibrayev noted that both countries are currently discussing practical mechanisms for supplying Turkmen cotton to Kyrgyz enterprises, where it would be processed into finished textile products. These products could then be sold domestically or exported, including to other EAEU member states. “Turkmenistan produces large volumes of cotton. We are now discussing how to organize its delivery to Kyrgyzstan and develop textile production here,” Ibrayev said. The initiative aligns with Kyrgyzstan’s strategy to revitalize its light industry by securing stable sources of raw materials. Turkmenistan, meanwhile, is seeking to diversify export routes for its agricultural commodities, with cotton remaining a vital component of its economy. Experts cited by local media suggest that such cooperation could deepen industrial integration within Central Asia and reduce dependence on textile imports from outside the region. With growing demand for locally produced goods and the expansion of import substitution policies, regional partnerships are gaining strategic significance. Last year, Kyrgyz officials emphasized the government's commitment to expanding domestic textile production and actively sourcing raw materials from neighboring states. Cotton processing was identified as one of the quickest pathways to job creation and increased exports through value-added manufacturing.

Forced Labor

Medical Staff in Turkmenistan Resign En Masse Over Extortion to Avoid Picking Cotton

Hospitals and clinics in the Turkmen city of Turkmenabat are facing a growing staffing crisis as doctors and nurses resign en masse in protest over extortionate cash demands, particularly those tied to the annual cotton harvest. Efforts by local authorities to ease the burden have so far proven ineffective. According to sources cited by Chronicles of Turkmenistan, three family nurses recently resigned from Turkmenabat City Clinic No. 2, leaving just 11 nursing staff at the facility. Their responsibilities have since been redistributed among remaining colleagues, nearly doubling individual workloads, while salaries have only risen by 30%. The added pressure has led many remaining staff to consider resigning as well. Similar developments are unfolding at other clinics across the city. One doctor and two nurses have left Polyclinic No. 5, while multiple specialists have exited Polyclinics No. 3 and No. 4. The primary cause, according to local healthcare workers, is systematic extortion, most notably mandatory contributions for cotton harvesting. In September, Turkmenistan’s Ministry of Health reportedly issued a directive requiring medical personnel to participate in the cotton campaign. Employees in the Lebap region were assigned daily quotas to pick 45 kilograms of cotton. At both the new multidisciplinary hospital and the infectious diseases hospital in Turkmenabat, medical staff have been dispatched to the fields immediately after completing night shifts. Those unwilling or unable to comply must pay for a substitute picker, at a rate of 50 manats (approximately $14.30) per day. In practice, the burden of physical labor during this period often falls on staff nearing retirement age. One doctor at the infectious diseases hospital revealed that up to two-thirds of some employees’ monthly salaries are spent hiring replacement pickers during the cotton season. “Not everyone can work in the fields after a full shift, but everyone is expected to pay. That’s why many simply quit,” he said. In an attempt to stem the exodus, clinic administrators reduced the daily contribution for hiring workers from 50 to 30 manats (around $8.50) in mid-October. However, sources told Chronicles of Turkmenistan that the adjustment has done little to stop the resignations. Chief physicians have been trying to rehire former employees and bring retirees back into service, but interest remains low. As workloads increase and staff numbers dwindle, the quality of medical care continues to deteriorate.

Cotton

Turkmen Cotton Farmers Frustrated by Mechanized Harvesting Delays and Losses

In Turkmenistan’s Lebap region, tenant farmers are expressing growing frustration over delayed payments and crop losses linked to the government’s push for mechanized cotton harvesting. While the use of combine harvesters is intended to boost efficiency, many farmers say the reality on the ground is causing financial hardship and lower yields. Delayed Payments Compound Financial Pressure In the Chokhbetde village council of Halach district, farmers were told they would not be paid for cotton harvested by combine machines until the entire campaign is complete. All revenues first go to the State Association for Agricultural Technical Services, Turkmenobakhyzmat, which owns the harvesters. Because accounting is based on the season overall rather than by individual field or tenant, farmers are expected to wait for payment. This delay is particularly painful for rural communities that rely on regular cash flow. A tenant farmer from Mashpaya village noted that pickers brought in from urban areas must be paid every ten days, and the payment postponement makes this increasingly difficult. The core complaint, however, is with the quality of mechanized harvesting itself. “Because the combines are poorly adjusted, 10-15% of the cotton ends up on the ground and must be collected by hand,” the Mashpaya farmer said. “Government employees are brought in for this, and they also need to be paid on time.” Beyond the immediate spillage, poorly calibrated machinery damages the plants: drums crush unopened cotton bolls, preventing them from maturing and leading to permanent yield losses. “Two Shifts” and Self-Funded Repairs Concerns about machinery use and maintenance are longstanding. During preparations for the summer grain harvest in Lebap, each combine at local Obahyzmat units was assigned two operators to run in alternating shifts. However, operators were required to fund maintenance and repairs themselves, even for foreign-made equipment such as John Deere and Case combines. The association only supplied tires, promising that repair costs would be reimbursed after the harvest as part of output-based wages and bonuses. In practice, combine crews absorbed heavy expenses. A machine operator from Bayramaly district described frequent technical failures: broken cutter bars, damaged threshing drum pulleys, faulty bearings, and worn connecting rods. “My colleague and I have already borrowed and spent 15,000 manats each, $4,300 at the official exchange rate, or $769 on the black market, just on spare parts,” he said. While some parts are now being produced locally, a repair facility in Turkmenabat has reportedly exceeded production targets for farm machinery components, these improvements have yet to reach most farmers. For now, the burden of keeping equipment running falls largely on the operators and tenant farmers themselves, with financial relief promised only at the end of the harvest season.

Cotton

Central Asia’s Cotton Harvest: Between Reform, Coercion, and Economic Strain

The 2025 cotton harvest is underway across Central Asia, revealing the region’s ongoing struggle to reconcile long-promised reforms with persistent coercion and deepening economic pressure. Once the crown jewel of Soviet central planning, cotton, long dubbed “white gold”, remains a politically sensitive and economically vital crop from Turkmenistan to Tajikistan. Turkmenistan: Forced Mobilization Persists In Turkmenistan, mass mobilization for the cotton harvest continues largely unchanged. Chronicles of Turkmenistan reported that during a September cabinet meeting, President Serdar Berdimuhamedov ordered all regions to begin picking on September 10. Just two days earlier, the Ministry of Health had instructed medical institutions to send doctors, nurses, orderlies, and even technical staff to the fields, each assigned a daily quota of 45 kilograms. In the town of Turkmenabat, hospital workers said doctors were expected to go to the fields immediately after overnight shifts. Those who refuse must hire substitutes at their own expense, paying about 50 manats ($14) per day. As a result, up to two-thirds of monthly salaries are spent covering these unofficial harvest duties. While younger staff are dispatched to the fields, older employees are left to maintain hospital operations with minimal support. Uzbekistan: Reform, but Lingering Coercion Uzbekistan, by contrast, has officially ended Soviet-style forced labor. The government abolished child and public-sector mobilization, scrapped state cotton quotas in 2020, and partnered with the International Labour Organization (ILO) to monitor the transition. In March 2022, the Cotton Campaign, a global coalition of rights groups, unions, and apparel brands, lifted its boycott of Uzbek cotton, citing the end of systemic forced labor. The campaign, which began in 2011, had gained the support of more than 330 global brands, including H&M and Zara. Yet coercion has not entirely disappeared. In a recent video published by Kun.uz, Dilfuza Tashmatova, deputy hokim (governor) for family and women’s affairs in the Surkhandarya region's Sariosiyo district, was seen berating mahalla (local governance body) employees for failing to recruit enough pickers. She demanded that each “women’s activist” find five to ten additional laborers, totaling 150 people, and threatened dismissal for non-compliance. “Are you even a woman? Shameless! Unscrupulous! If you don’t want to work, then leave!” she shouted from a cotton field. According to the U.S. Department of Agriculture, approximately 70% of Uzbekistan’s cotton is still harvested by hand, despite recent gains in mechanization. Labor shortages have plagued the past two harvests as fewer people are willing to take on the physically demanding work for low wages. Mahalla councils are often pressured to mobilize unemployed or low-income residents. Following public backlash, Uzbekistan’s Ministry of Poverty Reduction and Employment fined Tashmatova 20.6 million UZS (about $1,660) under Article 51 of the Administrative Code, which prohibits forced labor. From Soviet Monoculture to Market Reforms Uzbekistan’s long history of forced cotton labor dates back to its designation as the Soviet Union’s cotton monoculture. For decades, students, teachers, and medical staff were sent into the fields to meet state quotas. After independence, the system endured until international scrutiny spurred reforms. The ILO hailed...

Cotton

Cotton Deadlock: Why Tajikistan’s Farmers Are Working at a Loss

Tajikistan’s cotton farmers are facing a growing crisis: while global cotton prices remain high, local producers are forced to sell at rates below production cost, threatening the viability of an entire sector that once served as a strategic pillar of the national economy. Farmers say they are currently paid just 6-6.5 TJS ($0.66-0.72) per kilogram for raw cotton, while the cost of production stands at 7-8 TJS ($0.77-0.88). Many now warn that without government intervention, the cotton industry is unsustainable. Selling Below Cost “If we don’t sell for at least 10 TJS ($1.10) per kilogram, we will go bankrupt. The production cost is simply too high,” said a farmer from Khamadoni district. He estimates that it takes between 10,000 and 12,000 TJS ($1,100-1,320) to cultivate one hectare of cotton. Yet this season, even the most optimistic buyers offer well below that value. In Khamadoni, the crisis is compounded by non-operational cotton ginning factories. Farmers were instructed in the spring to plant cotton, but come harvest time, they discovered there was no local processing infrastructure in place. Many are now searching for buyers in other districts, where prices remain equally unprofitable. Despite official claims of "freedom of crop choice," farmers say that in practice they face unspoken pressure from local authorities. Refusing to grow cotton can complicate land lease renewals or access to loans. Intermediaries Reap the Profits On the international market, cotton prices hover around $1.50-1.60 per kilogram. But Tajik producers remain disconnected from global buyers. Instead, they rely on a procurement system that disproportionately benefits intermediaries. “Without subsidies and higher purchase prices, cotton farming will collapse. The current procurement system works in favor of intermediaries, not the farmers,” said economist Farrukh Saidov. Labor costs add to the burden. Pickers are paid just 1.5 TJS ($0.16) per kilogram while many can earn up to 200 TJS ($22) a day in construction. This pay disparity is driving workers away from agriculture. Uzbekistan Supports, Tajikistan Promises In neighboring Uzbekistan, cotton production has become more viable thanks to government subsidies of 2.1 TJS ($0.23) per kilogram. Tajikistan offers no such support, leaving local farmers to operate at a loss. On paper, however, the government has ambitious plans. The national strategy for the development of the cotton and textile industry through 2040 includes proposals for preferential loans, grants, tax breaks, and greater participation of farmers in setting factory prices. Plans also call for establishing a national cotton and textile association, retraining agricultural specialists, and bringing in foreign experts. But on the ground, farmers say these promises remain unfulfilled. Video appeals shared widely on social media reflect growing desperation among rural communities. “We are forced to sell cotton below cost. Without state support, this is a path to ruin,” one farmer said. Experts agree that systemic reforms are urgently needed. These would include introducing subsidies, creating direct access to export markets, and eliminating unofficial crop mandates. For now, cotton, once a key strategic industry, is fast becoming a symbol of Tajikistan’s broader agricultural dysfunction.