Diplomacy - The Times Of Central Asia

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Book Launch

Book Launch at the U.S. Capitol: New Uzbekistan: The Path of Shavkat Mirziyoyev

On September 16, the Embassy of Uzbekistan in Washington, D.C., hosted a book launch at the Rayburn Building on Capitol Hill for New Uzbekistan: The Path of Shavkat Mirziyoyev. The event drew diplomats, congressional staff, and representatives from companies such as General Motors and Boeing. The keynote address was delivered by Sodyq Safayev, First Deputy Chairperson of Uzbekistan’s Senate. Other speakers included Husan Ermatov, the book’s Uzbek-language editor and advisor to Uzbekistan’s Ishonch newspaper; Eldor Aripov, Director of the Institute for Strategic and Regional Studies under the President of Uzbekistan; Lisa Choate, President and CEO of American Councils; and Elena Son, Executive Director of the American-Uzbekistan Chamber of Commerce. Speakers highlighted Uzbekistan’s recent trajectory, noting shifts from a state-controlled economy and limited international engagement (1993–2016) to more market-oriented policies and broader foreign relations (2017–present). They also framed today’s Uzbekistan as shaped by historical experiences and cultural development, which some described as an “Uzbek Renaissance.” According to the speakers, President Mirziyoyev has promoted reforms in areas including governance, socio-economic development, and international outreach. Safayev remarked: “this [book signing] is not just about diplomacy but about shared values, mutual understanding, and a common vision of the future. The book before you, authored by Qudratilla Rafiqov, Uzbek scholar and political scientist, is a chronicle of change, resilience, and hope. The most difficult part of this book is a [description of the] transformation of hearts and minds. Its central message is simple and powerful: the history of Uzbekistan is written by people through their interactions and aspirations. And justice lies at the heart of reform.” By justice, he clarified, he meant fairness—ensuring that citizens have opportunities for family stability, safety, and employment. While the book presents Uzbekistan’s current government agenda in a favorable light, it also introduces new readers to the President’s stated priorities: attracting investment, promoting rule of law and fairness, liberalizing the economy, restructuring social policies, contributing to global peace efforts, and maintaining pragmatic security and foreign policy strategies. Aripov emphasized that the book is “not really about reforms, or about a leader who has been able to initiate and implement large-scale transformation in a very short period of time. It is a testimony to a new era into which Uzbekistan is entering. Today, hopes are rising in Uzbekistan, a sense of national pride is strengthened, and ambitions are being achieved that only recently seemed unattainable. These changes are being felt by ordinary citizens. They see how their lives are improving, how opportunities are expanding, and how confidence in the future is becoming a reality. That is why this book is not only a chronicle of, but also a symbol of faith that Uzbekistan can become one of the centers of sustainable development, openness and cooperation in Eurasia and the wider world. Why do I believe this to be the case? Because, under my President, the country has moved from ‘guarded isolation’ to ‘post-purposeful openness,’ from managing risks to exporting stability, and from ad hoc transactions to rules-based cooperation.” The Uzbek Embassy,...

Afghanistan

Rail, Water, and Helicopters – Uzbekistan’s “Limited Recognition” of the Taliban

Uzbekistan has spent the middle of September embroiled in an increasingly tetchy press battle over an unusual topic: helicopters. The Taliban, who run the de facto government in Kabul, have long claimed that several dozen military aircraft and helicopters currently residing in Uzbekistan are rightfully theirs. On September 11, a Taliban official announced publicly that Uzbekistan had agreed to hand them back. This was reported widely in the regional media, with the Uzbek foreign ministry slow off the mark in denying these claims. The dispute goes back to the fall of Kabul in August 2021, when a total of 57 aircraft were flown from Afghanistan to Uzbekistan and Tajikistan as Ashraf Ghani’s government collapsed. “The helicopters came from the Afghan territory to Uzbek territory illegally, so actually we had the right to confiscate them,” Islomkhon Gafarov, an Afghanistan expert at the Center for Progressive Reform, a Tashkent think tank, told the Times of Central Asia. However, Gafarov adds that the aircraft were the property of the U.S. military loaned to the previous government of Afghanistan, and therefore, Washington will have a say in their return. This has not stopped the Taliban from continuing to demand the helicopters back for use in “humanitarian operations,” in the words of Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi. Such wrangling is part of the daily diplomatic in-tray for Tashkent when dealing with a neighbor whose government has not been recognized by almost the entire world. “Afghanistan is our neighbor,” said Gafarov. “According to the geopolitical situation, we have to conduct a dialogue with this government. It’s true, Uzbekistan hasn’t recognized the Taliban government, but de facto, we work with them; we’ve had diplomatic relations with them since 2018.” Tashkent certainly has reasons to work with the Taliban. Helicopters are a mere sideshow compared to two far larger issues that will define their relations for years to come: rail and water. Railway On the positive side of the ledger, the Taliban have brought to Afghanistan a reasonable degree of stability - enough to start contemplating large-scale infrastructure projects. In July, an agreement was struck between Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Uzbekistan to conduct a feasibility study for a trans-Afghanistan railway, with 647 kilometers of new track being laid to link Uzbekistan with Pakistan’s Indian Ocean ports. This railway could bring significant benefits to Uzbekistan, one of only two double-landlocked countries in the world. Currently, sea-bound exports must travel via Turkmenistan to Iran. Other routes almost all rely on going via Kazakhstan. The China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway, currently being constructed, should remove some of the need for sea-bound routes, but the Pakistan route would be faster. “The trans-Afghan route is the shortest way to the seaports of Karachi and Gwadar,” Gafarov told TCA. With a line from Termez, Uzbekistan, to Mazar-i-Sharif in Northern Afghanistan already operational, this only leaves two sections unbuilt - from Mazar to Kabul, and then from Kabul to Peshawar in Pakistan. The teams are still only at the feasibility stage right now, and have, with some chutzpah, predicted...

Diplomacy

Shared Values, Shared Voices: An Interview With Spain’s Ambassador to Kazakhstan

In recent years, cultural cooperation between Spain and Kazakhstan has gained new momentum. Although the two countries are separated by a vast geographical distance, their cultural ties are growing closer through shared values. The Embassy of Spain in Kazakhstan has implemented a number of major projects in this regard. TCA spoke with the Ambassador of Spain to Kazakhstan, Luis Martínez Montes. TCA: It’s been several months since you became the Ambassador to Kazakhstan. What aspects of our culture do you enjoy? LMM: In fact, this is my second diplomatic posting to Kazakhstan. The first was from 1999 to 2002, when Spain opened its embassy in Almaty before moving to Astana. Twenty-five years later, I’ve returned as Ambassador to a country I consider my second home. There are so many things I love about Kazakhstan, including its nature and its gastronomy, that it’s hard to choose. But if I had to pick one, it would be the people, especially the younger generations. I spend much of my time visiting schools and universities, where I see a tremendous energy and thirst for knowledge among Kazakh students. I organize weekly lectures, debate clubs, and informal lunches at my residence with students and Kazakh intellectuals. Their conversations enrich me and help me better understand the direction this country is taking. TCA: You once mentioned that you visited the Mausoleum of Khoja Ahmed Yasawi. What impression did it leave on you? LMM: I visited Turkistan in 1999, and I have a memorable anecdote from that trip. While visiting the mausoleum, the local guide found out I was from Spain and enthusiastically mentioned Ibn Arabi, the great Sufi poet from Al-Andalus [the name for Spain during its Islamic period]. She spoke of him as a near-contemporary of Ahmed Yasawi. I’m grateful for that moment because it was through this cultivated Kazakh woman who could recite at length poems by both Sufi sages that I developed my lifelong admiration for Ibn Arabi. I found it truly fascinating that two poets, Ibn Arabi and Khoja Ahmed Yasawi, living at opposite ends of the Eurasian continent, could produce such profound and beautiful poetry, inspired by the same spiritual quest for God. TCA: Abai Kunanbayuly, like Cervantes, elevated a nation’s literature and culture. We translated Cervantes into Kazakh many years ago, and Don Quixote has been reprinted many times. We also heard that Abai’s works have been translated into Spanish. How has the Spanish readership received him? LMM: As you know, the late Pope Francis, who was from Argentina, quoted Abai more than a dozen times at the opening of the Seventh Congress of Leaders of World and Traditional Religions in 2022. Some works by Abai were translated into Spanish in 2020 by María Sánchez Puig, who received the Order of Dostyk for her work in bringing Kazakh literature closer to Spanish-speaking audiences. Another project is currently underway to translate selections from Abai’s Book of Words into Spanish this year. We’re also developing the first Kazakh-Spanish dictionary to make it...

Qatar

Turkmenistan and Qatar Build Closer Ties at Doha Summit

As Doha readies an emergency Arab-Islamic Summit, Turkmenistan and Qatar have moved to underscore a steadily warming relationship. On Sunday, Turkmenistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Rashid Meredov met Qatar’s Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al-Thani on the sidelines of the summit, a show of solidarity with Qatar after this month’s attack attributed to Israel. Qatar’s Foreign Ministry also reported a separate meeting between Meredov and Minister of State for International Cooperation Maryam Al-Misnad during the ministerial preparations, where both sides discussed ways to deepen ties. Indeed, Ashgabat’s presence in Doha on the eve of the summit offers political cover for expanded cooperation, and adds a Central Asian voice to backing Qatar’s mediation role in the war in the Middle East. The relationship is not new. Doha and Ashgabat established diplomatic ties in 1996, opened a Qatari embassy in Ashgabat in 2014, and upgraded political contact with a state visit by President Serdar Berdimuhamedov to Qatar in March 2023. Turkmenistan also inaugurated its embassy in Doha. The Qatari side later highlighted that 17 agreements and memorandums of understanding were signed across economic, cultural and sporting fields. Momentum has built through 2025. On March 16, Meredov met Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al-Thani in Doha to prioritise energy, investment and transport, and to brief on the Serhetabat–Herat section of the TAPI gas pipeline inside Afghanistan. Turkmen statements said Qatar “highly appraised” cooperation on the project, while the Turkmen Foreign Ministry framed the visit as a step forward. Qatar’s visibility in Turkmenistan also rose in August when Doha sent a delegation to the UN’s Third Conference on Landlocked Developing Countries, hosted in the Awaza coastal zone -- the Turkmen government's marquee venue for foreign investors. That forum dovetails with Turkmenistan’s pitch that logistics, energy and tourism can be built out with Gulf capital and know-how. For Turkmenistan, cooperation with Qatar matters for three reasons. The first is energy strategy. Turkmenistan sits on the world’s fourth-largest proven gas reserves, yet remains constrained by export routes and customer concentration. The World Bank and regional energy think tanks have long flagged Ashgabat’s reliance on pipeline gas to China, and the need to diversify destinations and modalities. Pairing with Qatar -- currently the world’s third-largest LNG exporter -- offers access to market expertise, contract structuring and investment models that could help Turkmenistan de-risk projects like TAPI and swaps via Iran. The second reason is capital. The Qatar Investment Authority (QIA) has been signalling a more aggressive deployment cycle, buoyed by anticipated LNG windfalls and new programmes to crowd in venture funds and international managers to Doha. While no Turkmen-specific commitments have been announced, Ashgabat’s priority sectors -- transport links to Afghanistan and the Caspian, petrochemicals, and hospitality at Awaza -- fit the kind of long-dated infrastructure and real-asset plays that Gulf sovereigns favor. Third is private-sector linkage. Since 2023, business councils and chambers have stepped up exchanges, including a March 2025 Qatar Chamber event for a Turkmen trade delegation and the creation of...

SCO Summit

Opinion: Victory Day Parade Puts China’s Military Might and Alliances on Full Display

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit coincided with China’s lavish commemorations of the "80th anniversary of victory in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the broader World Anti-Fascist War." The culminating moment, a grand military parade, was followed by a formal reception hosted by President Xi Jinping for visiting foreign dignitaries. All five Central Asian heads of state attended the parade. As the summit concluded, Xi seized the opportunity to issue a pointed warning to the West, particularly the United States and President Donald Trump, who had made it clear that he was closely following events in Tianjin and Beijing. In a post on Truth Social, Trump wrote, "Please give my warmest regards to Vladimir Putin and Kim Jong Un as you conspire against the United States of America." Kim Jong Un’s high-profile visit to Beijing, including a prolonged meeting with Putin, signaled the emergence of a visible military alignment between North Korea and Russia. This visit served as a strategic complement to China's Victory Day display of military might. [caption id="attachment_35739" align="aligncenter" width="1280"] Image: president.uz[/caption] For the first time, China publicly exhibited components of its strategic nuclear triad: the air-launched Jinglei1 missile, submarine-launched Julang3, and land-based ICBMs such as the Dongfeng61 and Dongfeng31 (and reportedly the DF5C). Analysts saw this as a deliberate signal to the U.S., regional powers like India and Russia, and potential international arms buyers, positioning China as a formidable strategic actor. Also on display were China’s anti-drone “triad”, missile-gun systems, high-energy lasers, and high-power microwave weapons, highlighting advances in counter-drone technology. Additionally, the parade showcased hypersonic and cruise missiles, unmanned aerial and underwater systems, and even robotic dog units, demonstrating China’s futuristic military capabilities. While noting the parade's impressive visuals, analysts cautioned that the true readiness of many showcased systems, for example, torpedo drones or laser weapons, remains uncertain. [caption id="attachment_35741" align="aligncenter" width="1280"] Image: president.uz[/caption] Diplomatically, the summit also reinforced Sino-Russian ties. Putin, who described relations with China as “unprecedentedly” close, and Xi signed over 20 bilateral agreements, including a major energy deal, Power of Siberia 2, a gas pipeline delivering 50 billion cubic metres annually to China via Mongolia. Meanwhile, China announced a trial visa-free entry policy for ordinary Russian passport holders, effective from September 15, 2025, to September 14, 2026, allowing visits up to 30 days for tourism, business, or family purposes. Together, the military spectacle and deepening diplomatic and people-to-people ties affirm Xi’s confidence as he prepares for crucial negotiations with President Trump, an unmistakable projection of strength and strategic resolve.

SCO Summit

Mirziyoyev Bets on the SCO to Boost Uzbekistan’s Security and Economy

Tianjin, China - The recent Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit drew wide attention as leaders from across Eurasia convened to emphasize the Organization’s growing importance. For smaller members, the meeting was a chance to show commitment to regional cooperation and alignment with the bloc’s major powers. Uzbekistan, under President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, stood out by using the platform to outline his intention to strengthen engagement within the SCO to advance both economic development and security. Mirziyoyev’s speech stressed solidarity in the face of global uncertainty, institutional renewal to improve effectiveness, and deeper cooperation in areas such as security and nuclear policy. He also endorsed expanding membership, particularly from the Global South, while presenting proposals to boost trade, logistics, and investment. These priorities are consistent with Uzbekistan’s ongoing strategy of aligning its national agenda with the SCO’s broader evolution into a forum with Eurasian and global relevance. Reinforcing Multilateral Solidarity Uzbekistan’s solidarity with the SCO has been in the making for years, as Tashkent aligns parts of its security and economic strategy with the Organization’s framework. In his latest address, Mirziyoyev emphasized the role of solidarity amid rising instability: “A systemic crisis of trust, the escalation of conflicts, the weakening of multilateral institutions, and the fragmentation of the global trading system are undermining the foundations of the international architecture of security and stability. In these circumstances, mutual understanding and solidarity among the SCO member-states are not only a valuable asset, but also the key to preserving peace in our vast region.” While Russia emphasizes the SCO’s role in fostering multipolarity and China focuses on resilient supply chains, Uzbekistan is leveraging the principle of solidarity to safeguard its national interests - reducing dependence on any single power. Uzbekistan is positioning itself within the SCO to align its domestic priorities with broader SCO agendas shaped by Russia’s focus on security and China’s emphasis on economic initiatives. Expanding Membership and External Engagement Mirziyoyev underscored the SCO’s “openness,” identifying expansion as central to its continued development. He welcomed greater engagement with new members and partners, though he did not specify particular regions. Uzbekistan’s growing cooperation with countries such as Iran and Saudi Arabia demonstrates how this vision of openness is taking shape in practice. Tashkent has actively supported Iran’s accession to the SCO and recently signed agreements on transport corridors that connect Central Asia to Iranian ports on the Persian Gulf, facilitating greater trade with Iran. In parallel, deepening ties with Saudi Arabia - particularly through ACWA Power’s renewable energy projects, now among Uzbekistan’s largest foreign-funded ventures - illustrate Uzbekistan’s broader engagement with the Global South in the areas of connectivity and investment. These moves parallel Russia’s and China’s efforts to expand the SCO’s influence beyond its founding region. For Uzbekistan, expansion offers new avenues for trade, energy cooperation, and investment partnerships, while reinforcing its image as a bridge-builder. By publicly supporting this process, Mirziyoyev signaled that Uzbekistan expects wider membership to enhance both the Organization’s and its own standing. Institutional Alignment with the SCO A...