• KZT/USD = 0.00220
  • TJS/USD = 0.10820
  • UZS/USD = 0.00009
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00220
  • TJS/USD = 0.10820
  • UZS/USD = 0.00009
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00220
  • TJS/USD = 0.10820
  • UZS/USD = 0.00009
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00220
  • TJS/USD = 0.10820
  • UZS/USD = 0.00009
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00220
  • TJS/USD = 0.10820
  • UZS/USD = 0.00009
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00220
  • TJS/USD = 0.10820
  • UZS/USD = 0.00009
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00220
  • TJS/USD = 0.10820
  • UZS/USD = 0.00009
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00220
  • TJS/USD = 0.10820
  • UZS/USD = 0.00009
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
08 September 2026

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 142

Kazakhstan Peace Talks: Basel Al-Haj Jassem on Syria and the South Caucasus

Basel Al-Haj Jassem, a Syrian political adviser and analyst, has worked on the Middle East, the Caucasus, Russia, and Central Asia for many years, with a particular focus on peace processes. He is the author of the Arabic-language book Kazakhstan and the Syrian Astana, which examines Kazakhstan’s role in the Astana Process on Syria. While Al-Haj Jassem was in Kazakhstan as an observer of the first elections to the country’s new unicameral parliament, the Kurultai, The Times of Central Asia spoke with him about Kazakhstan’s international standing and the country’s possible role as a mediator in the South Caucasus and the Middle East. He described the elections as well organized and “a new stage in the development of Kazakhstan’s political system,” although he added that “in a year it will already be possible to give a more concrete assessment of the Kurultai’s work.” TCA: You have known Kazakhstan for many years and have observed the country from different professional perspectives. In your view, how have Kazakhstan’s role and international standing changed over the past two decades? Al-Haj Jassem: I think the changes that have taken place in Kazakhstan over the past two decades go far beyond economic growth or the expansion of foreign relations. The country has gradually moved from being an important Central Asian state to one whose political and diplomatic presence extends beyond its immediate geographical surroundings. Several factors have contributed to this: its geographical position, balanced relations with Russia, China, the West, and the Islamic world, as well as its ability to avoid becoming rigidly aligned with opposing political blocs. But what I consider most important is that Kazakhstan has built a reputation as a state capable of maintaining dialogue with different parties, including those that are sometimes opposed to one another. TCA: One of your books is devoted to Kazakhstan and the Astana Process on Syria. That experience demonstrated Kazakhstan’s potential as a venue for negotiations. What further role could the country play in the Middle East? Al-Haj Jassem: The experience of the Astana Process on Syria was important because it showed that a state that is not itself a direct party to a conflict can provide space for dialogue that cannot be achieved elsewhere. Kazakhstan, of course, was not a party determining decisions on the Syrian issue, but it created a political and diplomatic environment that helped maintain channels of communication between participants who found it difficult to sit at the same table. I think this experience can be developed further, but it is not necessarily a matter of literally reproducing the Astana Process model. Today, the Middle East needs different forms of mediation, including quiet diplomacy, humanitarian initiatives, and support for dialogue between religious and cultural communities. Kazakhstan’s advantage is that it carries no colonial legacy in the region and is not part of traditional intra-Arab rivalries. At the same time, the country maintains good relations with various Arab and Islamic states. This gives Kazakhstan a certain freedom of action, particularly in situations where a settlement requires, above...

Reform and Moderate Conservatism: Reading Kazakhstan’s Kurultai Vote

Preliminary results have been announced in Kazakhstan’s election to its new unicameral parliament, the Kurultai. Notably, they differ little from the first exit poll released the previous day. The outcome itself was largely predictable: the newly created ruling Adilet party won by a wide margin, while two parties failed to clear the threshold for representation in the Kurultai. In recent years, Kazakhstan has gone through a series of major electoral campaigns that have, quite literally, revived voters’ interest in exercising their basic civic rights. Along the way, the campaigns have developed a tradition of sorts, combining Soviet-era methods of drawing people to polling stations with elements of the political spectacle more characteristic of Western countries, particularly the United States. [caption id="attachment_54573" align="aligncenter" width="1600"] Image: TCA[/caption] In Soviet times, voters were enticed to polling stations with scarce goods, from candy to sausage. On election day, food fairs appeared near polling stations in Almaty: people could cast their ballots and then eat traditional Kazakh dishes, drink hot tea with milk, and listen to music. Since elections in Kazakhstan are increasingly promoted as family occasions, where parents can pass an important civic experience on to the younger generation, activities were also organized for children near polling stations. Among other things, they could play asyq, a traditional game familiar to generations of Kazakhstanis. [caption id="attachment_54574" align="aligncenter" width="1600"] Image: TCA[/caption] As for the show-like elements, some voters arrived dressed as various characters, from Kazakh batyrs, or traditional warriors, to the American superhero Spider-Man. [caption id="attachment_54568" align="alignnone" width="300"] @Regional Communications Service[/caption] [caption id="attachment_54569" align="alignnone" width="300"] @Regional Communications Service[/caption] [caption id="attachment_54570" align="alignnone" width="300"] @Regional Communications Service[/caption] Public transportation was free for city residents that day, and during the first half of the day it was easy to tell which passengers had already voted and which had not: the latter persistently tried to pay their fares, while the former stopped them from doing so. All of this coincided with an unusually high turnout in Almaty – more than 43%. According to preliminary regional figures announced after polling stations closed, turnout in the city reached 43.23%, the lowest among Kazakhstan’s regions and cities of national significance but unusually high by Almaty standards. Political analyst Andrey Chebotarev noted that turnout at this level had not been recorded in Almaty since 2012, when Kazakhstan was still reeling from the bloody events in Zhanaozen. Chebotarev said the factors behind the current level of voter participation in Almaty would require further study. “Most likely, Almaty residents who are loyal to the authorities were primarily encouraged to vote by the political changes that began with the adoption of Kazakhstan’s new Constitution. Protest-minded residents apparently did not stay away either, expressing their dissatisfaction by voting ‘against all.’ But both groups were united by strong interest in the election campaign that has just ended,” the political analyst suggested. The author of this article exercised his civic right at 11 a.m., when the ballot box at his polling station was already almost one-third full. Election commission members...

Kazakhstan’s New Kurultai Elections: What the 30% Quota Could Mean for Women in Parliament

Kazakhstan’s new Constitution entered into force on July 1. On August 23, voters will elect the country’s first unicameral Kurultai, a 145-member legislature that replaces the former Mazhilis and Senate. Political parties are already submitting their lists, with nominations open from July 2 to July 13. Those lists must meet an inclusion requirement that has taken on new significance under the new electoral system: at least 30% of candidates must come from three combined categories, women, young people, and people with disabilities. How many women will actually enter the new parliament will become clear only after the votes are counted. But it is already possible to assess what the rule can achieve, and where its weaknesses lie. What the Law Requires The quota is less straightforward in practice. It does not guarantee that 30% of seats will go to women. The rule sets a combined 30% target that includes women alongside young people and people with disabilities. A party could comply with the rule while doing relatively little to increase women’s representation, if enough candidates from the other eligible categories are included. The rule carries added weight because Kazakhstan’s new Kurultai will be elected through a nationwide proportional party-list system. Under this model, placement on party lists can count as much as the overall number of women nominated. Kazakhstan has also lowered the threshold for registering political parties from 40,000 to 20,000 members, a change intended to make it easier for new political forces to participate. Seven parties have been cleared to compete in the August 23 election. Kazakhstan’s Starting Point Before the transition to the new unicameral legislature, women’s representation in Kazakhstan’s parliament remained limited. By the end of 2025, women held 17 seats in the Mazhilis, or 17.3% of the chamber. As of July 2025, women held 10 of 50 seats in the Senate, or 20%. By comparison, the global average for women’s representation in national parliaments stood at 27.5% at the end of 2025, after rising by just 0.3 percentage points over the year. Kazakhstan enters its first Kurultai election from a position below the global average. How Neighboring Countries Have Addressed the Issue The region already offers examples of how differently gender quotas can work. In Uzbekistan, the quota for women candidates in elections to the Legislative Chamber was raised from 30% to 40% and applied for the first time in the 2024 elections. Unlike Kazakhstan’s rule, Uzbekistan’s quota applies specifically to women rather than to a combined group. The result was noticeable: the number of women MPs rose from 48, or 32%, to 57, or 38%, out of 150 seats. As of July 2025, women also held 16 of 65 Senate seats in Uzbekistan, or 24.6%. An even sharper increase took place in Kyrgyzstan. In the 2025 parliamentary elections, women’s share of seats rose by 12.9 percentage points, the largest increase among countries that renewed their parliaments that year. The change came from a redesign of the electoral system rather than from a symbolic quota....

Kazakhstan’s Party Landscape Enters a Decisive Week

Kazakhstan’s party system may be approaching one of its most consequential turning points in years. With Amanat scheduled to hold a party congress on June 12 and the newly registered Adilet party planning its own gathering on June 14, speculation is growing that the country’s dominant political organization could be reshaped, merged, or rebranded ahead of elections to the new unicameral Kurultai. The immediate question is whether Amanat, the successor to the party originally created around Kazakhstan’s first president, Nursultan Nazarbayev, will remain the major pro-presidential force or whether its extensive organizational resources will be drawn into Adilet, a new party aligned with President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev’s political agenda and reform program. For now, no merger has been officially announced, but the timing of the two congresses has made the possibility central to Kazakhstan’s political debate. Adilet held its founding congress on May 7, and was officially registered by the Ministry of Justice on June 1. It is led by Aibek Dadebay, the former head of Tokayev’s administration, and presents itself as a pro-presidential force built around the language of justice, responsibility, and reform. Its emergence adds an eighth officially registered party to Kazakhstan’s system, but its political importance lies less in the number of parties than in the possibility that it could become the new vehicle for the president’s loyalist coalition. That makes Adilet’s appearance significant in a regional context. For many years, Kyrgyzstan was often regarded as Central Asia’s most advanced state in terms of party development and political pluralism. Today, however, Kazakhstan has become a more influential reference point for party-building, one that is attracting attention in Tashkent and Dushanbe, while Kyrgyzstan has largely moved away from party-centered politics. Kazakhstan has developed a multi-party model in which several major political organizations are represented in parliament. The system seeks to balance the interests of the state with those of various social groups and constituencies. Individual elements of this model can be adjusted or transformed as political demands evolve. For example, as public nostalgia for communism began to fade, the Communist People’s Party of Kazakhstan quietly dropped the word “Communist” from its public identity. Ironically, when the party was originally established, the word “People’s” had been added to distinguish it from the Communist Party of Kazakhstan, from which many of its founders had emerged. Through such splits, mergers, and rebrandings, Kazakhstan has gradually constructed a party system that encompasses organizations representing a broad spectrum of society, from state officials and business interests to rural communities. In both Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, five political parties are officially registered. Their political spectrum broadly mirrors that of Kazakhstan: a dominant ruling party, a socialist or communist party, and organizations positioning themselves as democratic, people’s, agrarian, or environmental movements. Kyrgyzstan, by contrast, has taken a markedly different path. In 2025, the country completed its transition from a party-centered political system to one in which parties play a secondary role. Elections to the Jogorku Kenesh are now conducted primarily through a majoritarian model that emphasizes individual...

Uzbekistan President’s Party Wins Landmark Election Held Under New Voting System

On October 27, Uzbekistan held elections for deputies of the Legislative Chamber of the Oliy Majlis (Lower House of Parliament) and local councils. This marks the first time these elections were conducted using a mixed (majority-proportional) system and featured electronic voting. For over a month, parties actively promoted their election programs to the public, with televised debates and messages on public transport urging citizens to participate in the elections and shape the country’s future. As required by law, all campaign activities were halted one day before the election. The electoral platforms of the five parties registered in Uzbekistan saw The Liberal Democratic Party of Uzbekistan (UzLiDeP) emphasize poverty reduction and promoting internal labor migration over the next five years. The party also campaigned on expanding public-private partnerships in water management, ecology, and energy to increase the private sector's share in the economy to 85%. Additionally, UzLiDeP pledged to improve education, healthcare, and social services, focusing on providing clean drinking water and sewage systems in schools. The party pledged to double the annual budget for healthcare to $6 billion, and advocated to enhance healthcare and social support for citizens over the age of 70. The People’s Democratic Party (PDP) focused on accessibility and social support, including assistive technologies at public transportation points for people with disabilities. They proposed adopting a “Social Housing” law, requiring luxury housing developers to allocate funds for social housing. This would benefit vulnerable groups, such as the homeless, people with disabilities, and those coming through the orphanage system. The party’s environmental initiatives included the Water Code and creating “Health Parks” for seniors near apartment complexes. The Milli Tiklanish (National Revival) Party’s platform spanned various topics, including youth development, cultural enrichment, family support, economic growth, and tourism. One key pledge emphasized Uzbekistan’s international relations, focusing on friendly ties with neighboring countries, cooperation, and maintaining peace - this despite party leader, Alisher Qodirov's anti-Russian rhetoric, including recent comments that “it would be better for [Russia] to deal with their own affairs [which are] full of problems than to deal with our internal issues." Qodirov has been actively responding to international discussions about Uzbekistan, reinforcing the party’s commitment to advancing national interests and strengthening Uzbekistan’s presence on the world stage. The Adolat (Justice) Social Democratic Party ran on a platform of advocating for media freedom, proposing reforms to safeguard journalists’ rights and prevent interference. Adolat pledged to introduce a “Presumption of Property Rights” to protect ownership and put forward affordable energy and price stability initiatives. The Ecology Party’s motto, “We are responsible for the future!” set out to drive home its focus on environmental and social issues. The party promoted government, business, and civil society efforts to address environmental challenges, whilst seeking to improve environmental legislation and education, and transitioning Uzbekistan toward a green economy. [caption id="attachment_24929" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] @TCA[/caption] According to Uzbek legislation, the election would be deemed valid once 33% of voters participated, and by 1pm local time 47.62% of voters had cast their ballots. President Shavkat Mirziyoyev and...

Uzbekistan Prepares for the Polls: Embracing a New Electoral System

On October 27, citizens of Uzbekistan will cast their ballots under a new mixed electoral system for the 150-member Legislative Chamber of the Oliy Majlis (Lower House of Parliament) in elections billed as “My choice is my prospering Motherland.” Half of the candidates will be elected from single-member districts using a first-past-the-post system, whilst the other half will come from nationwide proportional representation which requires parties to surpass a 7% electoral threshold. If fewer than one-third of eligible voters participate, the election will be deemed invalid, and should no party meet the threshold for proportional seats, those elections will be considered void. By mandate, at least 40% of the candidates must be women, up from 30% in the elections held in 2019. Additionally, 56 members of the upper chamber, 65 deputies of the Jokargy Kenes of the Republic of Karakalpakstan, 12 regional and 208 district and city council seats are also being contested by approximately 30,000 candidates. At the invitation of the authorities in Uzbekistan, at the end of September, the OSCE’s Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) dispatched a team of long-term observers. On October 5, Uzbekistan held a groundbreaking pre-election TV debate for party leaders which was broadcast live on multiple TV channels and social media platforms in Uzbek, Russian, English, and Karakalpak. Reportedly modeled on the BBC’s Question Time, the debate’s audience featured voices from the nation's youth, women, and ethnic minorities as part of a drive to engage with voters described by organizers as “innovate, creative [and] interactive. Five parties - the Liberal-Democratic Party of Uzbekistan, Milli Tiklanish (National Revival) Democratic Party, the Ecological Party of Uzbekistan, the People’s Democratic Party of Uzbekistan (PDP), and the Adolat (Justice) Social-Democratic Party – have been registered for the upcoming elections. However, others have faced a backlash for attempting to register. According to The Diplomat, all of the entities running “have always been perceived as mere extensions of the state.” Since the death of long-term despot, Islam Karimov, however, Uzbekistan’s “state apparatus [have] become more open,” as noted by an election observer in 2019, whilst the platforms of figures such as Alisher Qodirov have increasingly chimed with the public. Amidst reforms aimed at tackling endemic corruption, in recent years Uzbekistan has gained ground on Transparency International’s global corruption perception index, and recently partnered with the World Bank on “training, projects, and research to combat corruption.”