• KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09685 0.21%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09685 0.21%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09685 0.21%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09685 0.21%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09685 0.21%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09685 0.21%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09685 0.21%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09685 0.21%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 10

Uzbekistan and EU Discuss €12 Billion in New Projects

On May 13 in Tashkent, President Shavkat Mirziyoyev met with Eduards Stiprais, the European Union’s Special Representative for Central Asia, according to the presidential press service, with the two sides reviewing the outcomes of the first Central Asia-European Union Summit, held in Samarkand in April, and discussing ways to implement its decisions. Expanding Strategic Cooperation The talks focused on strengthening both bilateral and regional partnerships, with particular attention to advancing investment and technical cooperation initiatives valued at €12 billion. The parties also exchanged views on key regional developments and discussed plans for upcoming joint events. Economic ties between Uzbekistan and the EU have accelerated in recent years. Since 2020, trade between the two has doubled to more than €6 billion, while Uzbek exports to the EU have quadrupled. Over a thousand joint ventures have been launched, and the value of European investment projects in Uzbekistan now exceeds €30 billion. To attract more European investors, Uzbekistan has undertaken reforms to improve its business environment. In 2024 alone, trade with EU countries reached $6.4 billion, and more than a thousand European firms are currently operating in the country. Geopolitical Undercurrents During a separate visit to Uzbekistan in April, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov criticized the EU’s growing presence in the region. He accused the EU of using development projects to expand geopolitical influence, particularly in sensitive areas such as customs and border management. “We are categorically against politicizing cooperation processes and introducing ideological elements associated with Western attempts to dominate,” Lavrov stated, whilst emphasizing that Russia respects the sovereignty of its neighbors and will refrain from interfering in their internal affairs. A Strategic Pivot Uzbekistan’s growing ties with the EU reflect a strategic pivot to diversify its economic partnerships and reduce dependence on traditional allies like Russia and China. This move aligns with the region’s broader efforts to balance relations with global powers while fostering local development. The EU’s €12 billion investment and technical cooperation initiatives signal a deeper commitment to Central Asia, enabling countries like Uzbekistan to modernize industries, improve infrastructure, and enhance trade networks. This shift not only boosts Uzbekistan’s economic growth but also creates new opportunities for regional integration by connecting Central Asia with European markets through preferential trade agreements and enhanced supply chains. However, the deepening EU-Uzbekistan partnership does not come without challenges in the region’s geopolitical landscape. Russia, historically a dominant influence in Central Asia, views the EU’s expanded presence as a potential threat to its sphere of influence. Likewise, China, which has established extensive connectivity projects under the Belt and Road Initiative, may perceive Uzbekistan's alignment with the EU as a cautious step towards reducing reliance on Beijing-led projects. This strategic recalibration creates a more competitive environment, with Uzbekistan leveraging its geographical position to attract diverse investments while carefully navigating tensions between rival powers. By maintaining a delicate balance, Uzbekistan could emerge as an economic and diplomatic bridge linking Europe, Central Asia, and East Asia.

Afghanistan and Central Asia: Pragmatism Instead of Illusions

“When the winds of change blow, some build walls, others build windmills.” — Chinese proverb Afghanistan remains one of the most complex and controversial spots on the map of Eurasia. After the Taliban came to power in 2021, it seemed the countries of Central Asia were faced with a choice: to distance themselves from the new regime or cautiously engage with it. However, it appears they have chosen a third path - pragmatic cooperation free from political intentions. Today, a window of opportunity is opening for the Central Asian states to reconsider their relationship with Afghanistan, not as a buffer zone or a source of instability, but as a potential element of a new regional architecture. At the same time, these countries are in no hurry to establish close political ties with Kabul. They avoid making declarations about "integrating" Afghanistan into Central Asia as a geopolitical region. Instead, the focus is on practical, rather than political or ideological, cooperation in areas such as transportation, trade, energy, food security, and humanitarian engagement. This pragmatic approach is shaping a new style of regional diplomacy, which is restrained yet determined. Against this backdrop, two key questions emerge: What role can Afghanistan play in regional development scenarios, and what steps are needed to minimize risks and maximize mutual benefit? Afghanistan After 2021: Between Stability and Dependency Since the end of the war and the Taliban’s return to power, Afghanistan has experienced a degree of relative order. However, the country remains economically and institutionally dependent on external assistance. Historically, Afghanistan has survived through subsidies and involvement in external conflicts, from the “Great Game” to the fight against international terrorism. Today, new actors, such as China, Russia, India, Turkey, and the Arab states, are stepping onto the stage alongside Russia, the United States, and the broader West. In the context of current geopolitical realities after the fall of its “democratic” regime, Afghanistan has found itself in a gap between the experiences of the past and a yet undetermined future. It has a unique opportunity to transcend its reputation as the “graveyard of empires” and determine its fate while simultaneously integrating into the international community. How the de facto authorities in Afghanistan handle this opportunity will not only shape the Afghan people's and the region's future but also influence the development of the entire global security paradigm. In parallel, the countries of Central Asian are building bilateral relations with Kabul on strictly pragmatic terms: participation in infrastructure and energy projects, food supply, and humanitarian aid. All of these steps have been taken without political commitments and without recognizing the regime. [caption id="attachment_30841" align="aligncenter" width="1062"] The border between Afghanistan and Tajikistan near Khorog, GBAO; image: TCA, Stephen M. Bland[/caption] Geo-Economics and Logistics: Afghanistan as a Strategic Hub The regional reality in Central Asia is increasingly taking on a geo-economic dimension. The region is not only an arena for the interests of external powers but also a zone for developing transport, logistics, and energy networks in which Afghanistan is playing an...

Central Asia Creates a Rift in the Turkic World Over Cyprus

Since the beginning of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the five Central Asian republics have been performing a very complex balancing act. In some cases, this dynamic has forced them to make difficult decisions from a geopolitical point of view. This is the case with what has happened in recent weeks regarding diplomatic recognition of the Republic of Cyprus, a member of the European Union since 2004. Between December 2024 and the end of March 2025, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan have each appointed diplomatic representatives in the Republic of Cyprus. Kazakhstan has decided to open its own embassy in Cyprus directly, while Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan have accredited their respective ambassadors in Italy as diplomatic representatives for the Eastern Mediterranean Island also. Looking at the calendar, it doesn't seem to be a coincidence that these decisions were taken in the weeks leading up to the first historic summit between the European Union and Central Asia at the level of heads of state and government. The fourth point of the official joint declaration issued at the end of the meeting clarifies the matter: the text clearly states the support of the parties involved - the European Union and Central Asia - for United Nations Security Council Resolutions 541 (1983) and 550 (1984). These two resolutions make it clear that the only recognized authority on the island is that of the Republic of Cyprus. In recent years, there has been no shortage of explicit references to the Cyprus issue in relations between the European Union and Central Asia. This was the case, for example, in September 2023: during a conference in Brussels, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan were warned against officially accepting the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TNRT) as an observer member of the Ankara-led Organization of Turkic States (OTS). Dietmar Krissler, head of the European External Action Service's Central Asia desk, spoke of the possible “negative effects” for the Central Asian members if they were to ratify TRNT's access to the Organization as an observer. Returning to the summit held in Samarkand at the beginning of April, the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, announced during the discussions that €12 billion would be invested in Central Asia in various sectors. By also using the prospect of these investments, the European Union's diplomatic pressure on the Central Asian republics over Cyprus has been successful. As BBC Türkçe reports, this is not just a formal declaration of intent: in the official joint statement, future cooperation is in fact closely linked to compliance with the principles contained in the two UN resolutions, a very clear position. From Turkey's point of view, however, the picture is quite different. Turkey is the only country in the world to officially recognize the TRNC, which became a self-proclaimed independent entity in 1984 after Turkey invaded part of the island in 1974. Over the years, Ankara’s pressure has succeeded in preventing relations between the Central Asian republics and the Republic of Cyprus from going as...

European Investment Bank Commits €365 Million to Environmental Projects in Central Asia

At the first EU-Central Asia Summit, held in Samarkand, Uzbekistan, on April 4, European Investment Bank (EIB) Vice-President Kyriacos Kakouris signed four memorandums of understanding with partners in Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan. The agreements will direct €365 million in funding and are expected to unlock up to €1 billion in investment for sustainable transport, water management, and climate resilience initiatives across the region. The EIB is the long-term lending institution of the European Union. These agreements support the EU’s Global Gateway strategy, which aims to boost private sector development, improve transport and logistics infrastructure, and strengthen water management and environmental sustainability throughout Central Asia. In Kyrgyzstan, the EIB will provide €50 million through the Kyrgyzstan State Development Bank to support infrastructure investments via the National Promotional Bank. Tajikistan will receive €100 million to develop sustainable transport infrastructure along the Trans-Caspian Transport Corridor. In Uzbekistan, €175 million will be allocated to the Uzbekistan Water Implementation Center for water management and environmental sustainability projects, particularly under the Aral Sea Project, in collaboration with the French Development Agency (AFD). Additionally, Uzbekistan’s JSCB Microcredit bank will receive €40 million to bolster private sector development and to enable local financing for projects that contribute to sustainable transport and logistics connectivity. During the summit, Kakouris also signed a Host Country Agreement with Uzbekistan, establishing an EIB Regional Representation in the country to enhance the Bank’s presence in Central Asia. The EIB further announced the launch of negotiations for a framework agreement with Turkmenistan, signaling plans to begin operations there. “These agreements underscore the European Union and Central Asia’s shared commitment to deepening mutually beneficial cooperation,” said Kakouris. “As the EU’s bank, the EIB will continue playing a pivotal role in strengthening economic ties, promoting sustainability and private sector development, and enhancing infrastructure across the region. The memorandums of understanding pave the way for future financing in the transport and water sectors. Moreover, the Host Country Agreement with Uzbekistan and the launch of negotiations with Turkmenistan mark important milestones for the EU’s growing engagement in Central Asia.”

Samarkand Declaration Paves the Way for a Stronger Central Asia–EU Partnership

The inaugural Central Asia-European Union Summit, held in Samarkand on April 3-4, marked a significant milestone in strengthening ties between the two regions. According to Sherzod Asadov, press secretary to Uzbekistan's President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, the summit's most significant outcome is the adoption of the Samarkand Declaration, which is expected to provide strong momentum for expanding constructive dialogue and cooperation across all sectors. In a statement, the EU reaffirmed its "commitment to deeper cooperation in an evolving global and regional geopolitical landscape [and] upgrade relations between the European Union and Central Asia to a strategic partnership." The EU declaration also committed the bloc to respect the "sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states within the framework of all international and regional fora" and expressed readiness to "address common security challenges." Strengthening Economic Ties Economic cooperation featured prominently on the agenda. Since 2020, trade between Uzbekistan and the EU has doubled, now exceeding €6 billion. Uzbek exports to the EU have quadrupled, and the number of joint ventures has surpassed a thousand. European investment projects in Uzbekistan, meanwhile, are now valued at over €30 billion. A key development was the agreement to open a regional office of the European Investment Bank (EIB) in Tashkent. Established in 1958, the EIB is the EU’s primary financial institution, and its new office is expected to attract greater investment in green energy, modern infrastructure, and digitalization. The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) has also deepened its engagement in Uzbekistan, investing over €5 billion to date. “We must work together to simplify trade procedures and ensure that Central Asian products gain greater access to European markets. Only through joint efforts can we build a strong and resilient economic partnership,” Mirziyoyev told Euronews. "Over the past seven years, the trade turnover between Central Asian countries and the EU has quadrupled, amounting to 54 billion euros... The signing of the Samarkand Declaration will reflect the common aspiration of the parties to establish a strategic partnership and lay the foundation for deepening ties between our regions." During the summit, Mirziyoyev met with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and European Council President António Costa. Discussions focused on trade, investment, green energy, and digital development, with the EU’s "Global Gateway” strategy, a counterpart to China’s Belt and Road Initiative, a central topic. The initiative is seeking to enhance global infrastructure and connectivity while promoting sustainability and transparency. “The EU and Central Asia are becoming closer partners, and this summit marks the beginning of a new phase in our cooperation,” von der Leyen stated. An Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Uzbekistan and the EU is also under negotiation. Regional Dialogue Among Central Asian Leaders The Summit also offered a platform for Central Asian heads of state to hold bilateral discussions. Mirziyoyev met with his counterparts from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan. Talks centered on increasing trade, improving border security, and advancing major infrastructure projects. A recent landmark border agreement between Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan was lauded as a breakthrough. Uzbekistan...

Opinion – The Great Convergence: Central Asia and the EU in a New Geopolitical Landscape

The Samarkand Summit, taking place on April 3–4, 2025, represents a defining moment in Central Asia-European Union (CA-EU) relations. Hosted in the historic city of Samarkand, a crossroads of civilizations and trade for millennia, this inaugural summit marks a geopolitical realignment as the European Union seeks to expand its engagement in a region historically dominated by Russia and China. Against the backdrop of Uzbekistan’s proactive foreign policy reforms under President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, the summit signifies a recalibrated vision for connectivity, sustainability, and economic diversification in Eurasia. The symbolism of Samarkand as the summit’s venue is profound. Once a flourishing center of Silk Road commerce and Timurid cultural grandeur, the city embodies the historical role of Central Asia as a bridge between East and West. Over the centuries, shifting empires and economic transitions relegated the region to a peripheral status in global affairs, particularly after the collapse of the Silk Road, its incorporation into the Russian Empire, and the subsequent Soviet era. However, post-Soviet transformations and recent geopolitical shifts — accelerated by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 — have reinvigorated global interest in Central Asia. As the EU strives to reduce dependence on Russian energy and counterbalance China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the Samarkand Summit emerges as an urgent diplomatic effort to establish stronger economic and political ties with the region. At the heart of the summit’s agenda is the Trans-Caspian Transport Corridor (TCTC), a modern-day Silk Road initiative designed to enhance trade connectivity between Europe and Central Asia via the Caucasus, bypassing Russian territory. By offering an alternative route for energy exports and critical minerals, the corridor could significantly reduce transit times by 15–20%, facilitating the EU’s quest for strategic autonomy in global supply chains. For Central Asian states, particularly Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, the project presents an opportunity to diversify trade partners and lessen their economic dependence on Moscow and Beijing. However, the corridor’s implementation faces substantial geopolitical and financial hurdles. Russia and China may perceive it as a challenge to their regional influence, potentially leading to diplomatic friction or economic countermeasures. Moreover, the corridor’s development requires an estimated $20–30 billion in infrastructure investments, a daunting figure for cash-strapped Central Asian economies. Parallel to trade discussions, the summit will spotlight climate action and green energy investments. The EU’s €1.5 billion Central Asia Water and Energy Program aims to modernize irrigation systems, promote renewable energy, and reduce fossil fuel dependency. This aligns with Brussels’ broader Green Deal ambitions, positioning the EU as a global leader in sustainable development while offering Central Asian states financial and technical support to address water scarcity and environmental degradation. However, challenges persist — bureaucratic inefficiencies, regulatory gaps, and regional water disputes complicate large-scale green energy implementation. Moreover, while hydropower is a viable alternative to fossil fuels, its intensive water usage could exacerbate tensions between upstream and downstream nations such as Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. The summit will also emphasize digital connectivity and modernization, with the Connecting Central Asia (C4CA) Initiative promoting e-governance, high-speed internet expansion,...