• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00213 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10569 0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00213 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10569 0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00213 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10569 0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00213 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10569 0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00213 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10569 0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00213 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10569 0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00213 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10569 0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00213 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10569 0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 12

Russian TV Host’s Talk of ‘Military Operations’ in Central Asia Triggers Backlash in Uzbekistan

Controversial remarks by Russian television host Vladimir Solovyov, suggesting that Moscow could launch “special military operations” in Central Asia and Armenia, have provoked a strong backlash in Uzbekistan, where scholars, journalists, and political analysts warn that such rhetoric reflects dangerous political tendencies. Speaking on his Solovyov Live program, the prominent pro-Kremlin commentator claimed that regions like Armenia and Central Asia are far more critical to Russia’s national interests than distant allies such as Syria or Venezuela. He urged Russian authorities to abandon international law if it stands in the way of what he described as Russia’s national security. Solovyov was born in Moscow in 1963 and trained in economics and philosophy; after the collapse of the Soviet Union, he spent part of the early–mid-1990s living in the United States, where he worked as a businessman involved in commercial ventures rather than journalism or politics, before returning to Russia following financial difficulties. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, he entered radio and television, initially presenting himself as a liberal, pro-market commentator, but over time evolving into one of Russia’s most prominent pro-Kremlin television hosts, known for his hardline nationalist rhetoric and for aggressively promoting state narratives on domestic and foreign policy. “We must say openly: the games are over. International law and the international order mean nothing to us,” Solovyov declared, openly questioning why, if a so-called special military operation was justified in Ukraine, similar actions should not be carried out elsewhere within Russia’s claimed zone of influence. Solovyov characterized Central Asia as “our Asia,” framing it as part of Russia’s rightful sphere of influence. He warned that instability in the region represents a direct threat to Russia’s security and advocated for the Kremlin to clearly define the boundaries of its “zone of influence,” regardless of international norms. He also criticized Russia’s approach to the war in Ukraine, arguing that a lack of early harsh measures prolonged the conflict and resulted in greater losses. “We should stop casting pearls before swine and openly state that we do not care what Europe thinks,” he added. In recent years, tensions over Russian attitudes toward Central Asia have surfaced in regional discourse. In 2024, Uzbek political figure Alisher Qodirov publicly criticized what he called rising “Russian chauvinism,” responding to televised statements by Russian nationalists such as Zakhar Prilepin advocating territorial claims on Uzbekistan and Russian commentators on state TV asserting that peoples like the Uzbeks and Kazakhs did not exist before 1917, comments that Qodirov said were enough to call for cutting Russian broadcasts into Uzbekistan. Observers have also linked broader social trends in Russia - including xenophobic attacks on Central Asian migrant workers and statements by Russian officials linking Central Asian migration and security to Russia’s interests - to a narrative among some Russian public figures framing Central Asians as outsiders within Russia and Central Asia as a contested space. The remarks triggered immediate condemnation in Uzbekistan. Sherzodkhon Qudratkhodja, a political scientist and professor, said Solovyov had expressed, in plain terms, ideas...

Four Convicted for Hotel Gas Leak That Killed Journalist Inessa Papernaya

A court in Tashkent has sentenced four men in connection with the deaths of Russian journalist Inessa Papernaya and her companion, Maxim Radchenko, who died of carbon monoxide poisoning at a city hotel in October 2024. The verdict was reported by a RIA Novosti correspondent present at the hearing. The incident occurred at the Karaman Palace Hotel on October 22, 2024. Papernaya, 47, and Radchenko died alongside an unidentified Uzbek man found in a separate room. Investigators concluded that gas entered the hotel’s ventilation system following a pool cleaning, leading to fatal carbon monoxide exposure. However, none of the hotel’s promotional materials mention a swimming pool, and some sources explicitly state that the facility does not have one. A worker involved in construction at the site confirmed the absence of a pool. Forensic analysis revealed the presence of carbon monoxide bound to hemoglobin in Papernaya’s blood. The Yakkasaray District Criminal Court opened proceedings on May 26, after the investigation concluded in late April. The four defendants were charged with providing services that failed to meet safety standards and operating without proper authorization, crimes punishable by up to 12 years in prison. Judge Bahodir Kayumov found hotel owner Azamat Khuzhakulov guilty under Part 4, Article 186 of Uzbekistan’s Criminal Code. He was sentenced to eight years and one month in prison. The three co-defendants, plumber Nodirbek Kurbanov and heating equipment vendors Zayniddin Jamoliddinov and Abdurashul Yusupov, were each sentenced to three years in prison. Prosecutors had sought sentences of seven to eight years. The court also ordered compensation payments: 67.58 million UZS (approximately $5,358) to Papernaya’s family and 60.68 million UZS (approximately $4,811) to Radchenko’s relatives. The payments will cover expert examination fees and the repatriation of the victims’ remains. All four men have ten days to appeal the verdict. During the trial, Khuzhakulov admitted partial guilt. The other three defendants denied any wrongdoing. According to the indictment, the deaths resulted from a faulty, outdated boiler that had not undergone technical inspection, lacked certification, and should have been decommissioned in 2021. Inessa Papernaya was a veteran journalist who worked for several major Russian media outlets. She was an editor at Lenta.ru and deputy editor-in-chief at Profil magazine. She also collaborated with the Center for Strategic Research, a Moscow-based think tank specializing in economic policy and long-term strategy development. Her death has fueled speculation and conspiracy theories in segments of the Russian media.

“I Dreamed of Writing Without Borders”: An Interview With a Kazakh Journalist in Russia

Elmira, a journalist from Astana, moved to St. Petersburg six years ago to study journalism. Since then, she has transformed from a reserved first-year student into a working reporter, navigating culture shock, social media censorship, and the outbreak of the war in Ukraine. In this candid interview, Elmira discusses Russian bureaucracy, casual racism, and finding her voice in the Russian media landscape. She also offers reflections for others considering a similar path. TCA: Why did you choose to study in St. Petersburg rather than stay in Kazakhstan or go elsewhere? Elmira: I applied before the war in Ukraine began. At that time, Russia seemed like a land of opportunity, where you could earn a decent living even without connections, which is rare in Kazakhstan. Plus, Russia offers state-funded spots for foreign students, as long as you pass the entrance exams. Kazakh journalism programs felt underdeveloped to me; they lacked tradition, experienced faculty, and institutional history. In contrast, Russian journalism schools had all of that. Also, I wanted to write in Russian. My family always spoke Russian at home, and Kazakh was harder for me, an experience common among northern Kazakhs. Studying elsewhere was financially out of reach, and among CIS countries, Russia was the most appealing. TCA: Why journalism? And did your expectations match reality? Elmira: I’ve loved writing since childhood, school news, travel stories, anything. I imagined journalism as limitless creativity. In reality, it has even more constraints than other fields: editorial policies, laws, and censorship. Still, I wasn’t disappointed. Restrictions force you to innovate, and a strong story can always be told within the right format. TCA: What were your first impressions of university life? Did you feel like part of an international community or an outsider? Elmira: The university itself was a pleasant surprise. Many professors were open-minded and genuinely interested in students’ ideas. That made me feel I belonged. But the student environment was tougher. Although classmates claimed, “We’re not racist,” jokes about Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Caucasians were common, and occasionally about Kazakhs too, disguised as “harmless humor.” These moments were alienating. You’re sitting in the same lectures, working on the same projects, but still feel like a stranger. TCA: Was the Kazakh diaspora in St. Petersburg helpful during your adjustment? Elmira: Definitely. The community is very supportive. Besides the consulate, groups like Atameken and Dostar host cultural events. I couldn’t volunteer, but I never missed Nauryz or Independence Day. Just being able to speak with fellow Kazakhs helped me feel at home. TCA: What domestic or cultural challenges surprised you the most? Elmira: Dorm life was tough. Once, I overheard roommates say, “How can you live with a Chinese woman? She must smell bad.” These moments were rare but memorable. Still, there were warm experiences. In the dorm, I befriended students from Kyrgyzstan, Armenia, and Tajikistan. We cooked together, shared stories, and supported each other. That helped me to feel part of a community. I was also heartened that many Russian students were genuinely curious...

International Human Rights Activists Demand Release of Tajik Journalist Rukhshona Khakimova

The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders has strongly condemned the sentencing of Tajik journalist Rukhshona Khakimova, calling on Tajik authorities to release her immediately and unconditionally​. In a statement issued on March 3, the Observatory asserted that Khakimova’s prosecution is linked to her participation in a politically sensitive poll on China’s influence in Tajikistan. The survey, commissioned by the Kyrgyz NGO Barometer, included interviews with political figures, some of whom belong to the opposition and face pressure from authorities​. “Ms. Khakimova is officially charged with ‘high treason’ under Article 305 of Tajikistan’s Criminal Code. This charge is part of a broader investigation into an alleged coup attempt, despite the absence of credible evidence. It is being used to suppress critical voices,” the statement said. Concerns Over Due Process and Human Rights Violations Human rights organizations have raised concerns about the secrecy of the trial, closed court sessions, and lack of transparency in the investigation. Activists argue that these factors indicate serious violations of due process. A particularly troubling aspect of the case is Khakimova’s separation from her two young children, who are two years old and nine months old. At the time of her arrest, she was still breastfeeding her younger child. Authorities have denied her mother’s request to bring the infant to the detention center, and her property has been confiscated, exacerbating her family’s financial difficulties. The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders has urged the Tajik government to: Release Khakimova immediately. Respect her rights as a mother and consider the wellbeing of her children. Ensure a fair and transparent judicial process. International Condemnation Several other human rights organizations, including Human Rights Watch (HRW) and Reporters Without Borders (RSF), have also condemned the eight-year prison sentence handed to Khakimova. The 31-year-old journalist was convicted of “complicity in high treason using her official position”, a charge that has sparked public outrage and widespread debate on social media. On February 13, the Chairman of Tajikistan’s Supreme Court acknowledged public criticism of the verdict but defended the decision, stating that Tajik law does not provide for leniency in cases involving “especially grave crimes”. Khakimova’s case has become a symbol of shrinking press freedoms in Tajikistan. With global human rights organizations increasing pressure, the Tajik government now faces growing calls to reconsider her sentence and uphold freedom of the press and due process.

Japarov Backs Elon Musk’s Call to Shut Down Radio Liberty

Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov has expressed support for Elon Musk’s initiative to close U.S.-funded media outlets Voice of America and Radio Liberty. In an interview with the state news agency Kabar, Japarov suggested that Azattyk, the Kyrgyz branch of Radio Liberty, was no longer relevant in the digital age. “Twenty or thirty years ago, everyone waited for Azattyk, listened to it, believed it - because there was no internet or smartphones. Now, people do not need information from Azattyk. Everyone gets their news online. Besides, our people have learned to analyze information and not believe everything,” Japarov said. Azattyk’s Legal Battles in Kyrgyzstan Japarov accused Radio Liberty’s Kyrgyz service of frequently spreading unverified and harmful information. He noted that when state authorities took legal action, Azattyk journalists often removed the disputed material. In 2022, a Kyrgyz court suspended Azattyk’s license over its coverage of border clashes between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. “If you sue them, they start shouting to the whole world: ‘Freedom of speech is dead in our country.’ Is this normal? Is spreading misleading information or manipulating the news freedom of speech? We should not confuse permissiveness with free speech or human rights. That’s why Trump and Musk’s decision should be supported,” Japarov said. At a national assembly in Bishkek last December, Japarov suggested that the U.S. State Department should provide funding directly to the Kyrgyz government, promising that Kyrgyzstan would then ensure democracy and human rights at the highest level. Political Analysts Weigh In Political analyst Bakyt Baketaev told The Times of Central Asia that while Radio Liberty – Azattyk is widely listened to in Kyrgyzstan, this does not necessarily mean broad public support for its narratives. “They mix solid journalism with unverified reports. They frequently take negative stories from the opposition - sometimes deliberately disrupting stability. Naturally, this affects the authorities’ perception of the outlet,” Baketaev said. He added that Azattyk’s closure would have a significant impact on pro-Western perspectives in Kyrgyzstan. “Modern geopolitics has shown that democracy, free speech, and human rights cannot be introduced overnight in other countries. Afghanistan is a clear example of this. Democratic values should be developed in coordination with the state,” Baketaev said. Despite the criticism, Baketaev acknowledged that Radio Liberty had successfully collaborated with the Kyrgyz government on ecology, public health, and women's rights issues.

CPJ Report Highlights Deteriorating Situation for Journalists in Tajikistan

The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) has released its 2024 annual report, identifying the countries with the highest number of journalists imprisoned in the previous year. According to the report, China (50 journalists), Israel (43), and Myanmar (35) topped the list. Globally, a total of 361 journalists were imprisoned in 2023 -- the second-highest figure since records began in 1992, surpassed only by 2022’s total of 370. The report also highlights Tajikistan’s worsening environment for press freedom, with specific mention of the country's persecution of journalists, including cases linked to ethnic discrimination. The CPJ report notes that two of the eight imprisoned journalists in Tajikistan belong to the Pamiri ethnic minority, a group historically subjected to systemic discrimination. These journalists hail from the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Oblast (GBAO), a region that has experienced significant unrest in recent years. Among them is Ulfatkhonim Mamadshoeva, a prominent journalist who is currently serving a 20-year prison sentence. Authorities accused Mamadshoeva and her former husband, General Kholbash Kholbashov of the GKNB Border Troops, of orchestrating mass riots in GBAO in May 2022. These protests, which were met with a violent government crackdown, resulted in numerous deaths. Before her arrest, Mamadshoeva publicly denied any involvement in illegal activities. The CPJ’s findings reflect the broader challenges faced by journalists in Tajikistan, where independent reporting is increasingly equated with criminal activity. The CPJ report underscores the global misuse of vague anti-state laws to silence independent media. More than 60% of journalists imprisoned worldwide were charged under broadly defined laws, often targeting dissenting voices under accusations of terrorism, extremism, or other anti-state activities. Tajikistan is listed alongside countries like Russia, Belarus, Myanmar, and Turkey as frequent users of such repressive measures. “A significant proportion of these cases involve terrorism or 'extremism' charges, which are often very vaguely worded,” the report states, noting that such laws give governments broad discretion to suppress media freedoms. In Tajikistan, the eight journalists are currently serving prison sentences ranging from seven to 20 years. These long sentences illustrate the risks faced by media workers in a country where freedom of the press continues to erode. The CPJ report highlights a troubling global trend, with over 100 new journalists imprisoned in the past year. While the focus of the report is on numerical leaders like China, Israel, and Myanmar, countries like Tajikistan, where media suppression is equally severe but less publicized, remain of grave concern.