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Nuclear power

Opinion: In Kazakhstan’s Nuclear Race, Financial Muscle Will Decide the Winner

The most closely watched development in Kazakhstan this June is the decision over which foreign company will be awarded the contract to build the country’s first nuclear power plant. According to earlier announcements, the Kazakh Atomic Energy Agency is expected to make its decision by the end of the month. Bidders from South Korea, France, Russia, and China remain in contention, although recent expert commentary suggests that earlier assumptions favoring Russia’s Rosatom may no longer hold. Competing Interests Beneath the Surface In Kazakhstan, there appears to be an internal struggle between two strategic camps with opposing visions for the project’s future. Each faction has its own backers, deeply embedded in the country’s nuclear ambitions. One group, primarily composed of financial officials and economic policymakers, is advocating for the least expensive option. Their preferred bidder is China's China National Nuclear Corporation (CNNC), which is offering the lowest project cost, backed by Chinese bank financing. This group is influenced not only by CNNC’s competitive pricing but also by China’s broader economic leverage over Kazakhstan. The second group consists of nuclear professionals, scientists, engineers, and technicians, who prioritize reliability and operational familiarity. Their preference leans toward Rosatom, given Russia’s historical involvement and established presence in Kazakhstan’s nuclear sector. This technical camp is widely viewed as a de facto ally of the Kremlin, as Rosatom’s participation would extend Moscow’s long-term strategic influence in Central Asia. Given the 50-60-year operational lifespan of such reactors, this influence would be enduring. Though this tension remains speculative, patterns observed over the past decade suggest a real and ongoing tug-of-war. No Thermal Power, No Nuclear Power? At the end of May, media in Kazakhstan reported that Russia might not fulfill its commitments under a 2023 memorandum signed during President Vladimir Putin’s visit to Astana. The agreement with President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev concerned the construction of three coal-fired thermal power plants (TPPs) in Kokshetau, Semey, and Ust-Kamenogorsk, with Russian energy giant Inter RAO designated as the turnkey builder. The total cost was estimated at $2.8 billion. However, in April 2024, First Deputy Prime Minister Roman Sklyar acknowledged financial hurdles. While design and preliminary work continue, difficulties remain in subsidizing equipment interest rates. Sklyar noted that a change in investor may be considered, and the situation could be resolved within a month. Oil and gas expert Olzhas Baidildinov has speculated that the nuclear power plant project may be bundled with the thermal plants as a “social burden”, a condition that CNNC might accept more readily than Rosatom. “If CNNC is chosen to build the nuclear power plant, the thermal plants could follow as part of the package,” Baidildinov suggested via his Telegram channel. Sergey Agafonov, head of the Kazakhstan Association of Energy Supply Organizations, also sees the nuclear and thermal plant projects as interconnected, particularly with regard to financing. Debunking the Price Myth The technical community has responded swiftly to growing narratives about CNNC's supposedly unbeatable offer to construct the nuclear plant for $5.5 billion, a claim spread via Chinese sources. Nuclear...

History

Russian Lawmaker Cites Historical Ties Between Siberia and Central Asian Migrants

A Russian regional lawmaker has stirred debate by suggesting that parts of Siberia may be the ancestral homeland of some Central Asian migrants, including Uzbeks. The statement was made by Khalid Tagi-Zade, a member of the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug (Yugra) regional parliament, during a discussion on birthrate trends among local and migrant populations. His remarks were broadcast via a livestream on the parliament’s official VKontakte page, according to Gazeta.ru. Tagi-Zade emphasized the historical complexity of migration, arguing that “not all migrants are the same.” He pointed to the fact that Yugra and parts of the neighboring Tyumen region were once territories of the Siberian Khanate. He further noted that the Khanate’s last ruler, Khan Kuchum, descended from the Shaybanid dynasty, a prominent Uzbek lineage from the Bukhara Khanate. From this, he implied that some Uzbek migrants could view their presence in the region as a form of return to ancestral lands. The speaker of the parliament, Boris Khokhryakov, quickly moved to halt the discussion, citing procedural rules that prohibit extended remarks during that segment of the session. Tagi-Zade’s comments come at a time of heightened scrutiny over the treatment of Uzbek migrants in Russia. On May 2, Uzbekistan’s Deputy Foreign Minister Bobur Usmonov raised concerns in a meeting with Russian Ambassador Oleg Malginov in Tashkent. According to Uzbekistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Usmonov expressed alarm over a rising number of reports involving the mistreatment of Uzbek citizens in Russia and urged Moscow to safeguard their rights.

opinion

Kazakhstan Signals Early Review of Oil Production Sharing Agreements

The question of revisiting Kazakhstan’s production-sharing agreements (PSAs) with foreign oil companies is once again gaining prominence both within the country and internationally. While the Ministry of Energy is formally responsible for managing these contracts, growing pressure is coming not only from civil society but also directly from President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, who has publicly questioned the long-standing terms of these deals since 2022. Confidential Terms, Public Scrutiny Recent revelations have further fueled this debate. The International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) recently detailed the ongoing arbitration dispute between Kazakhstan and the North Caspian Operating Company (NCOC), which manages the Kashagan field. The stakes are high: $160 billion is under contention. Yet what shocked the Kazakh public most was not the litigation itself, but that the state receives just 2% of the field’s profits, with a staggering 98% flowing to foreign stakeholders. Such findings offer context for why the Ministry of Energy is reluctant to release details of these 1990s-era agreements, originally negotiated with significant involvement from Kazakhstan’s first president, Nursultan Nazarbayev. In a recent court case, the ministry successfully blocked a lawsuit by Vadim Ni, founder of the Save the Caspian Sea movement, who demanded public disclosure of PSA terms affecting environmental interests in the Caspian. The ministry argued that Kazakhstan’s adherence to international confidentiality clauses is essential to avoid multibillion-dollar lawsuits and maintain its reputation as a stable investment destination. However, the ministry also emphasized that confidentiality does not shield violators from environmental penalties. Calls for transparency and revision have come from various quarters. Members of the Ak Zhol party and the Parasat Business Alliance have joined the chorus, urging the government to review the PSAs. In this context, President Tokayev’s consistent remarks suggest a coordinated state policy shift. A Change in Presidential Tone Tokayev first broached the subject in a 2022 interview with Russia 24, reflecting on the constraints Kazakhstan faced during the early years of independence. At the time, the country had no legal framework for foreign investment and had to rely on companies like Chevron to develop its energy sector. The president acknowledged the success of some ventures but also suggested the need for a “correction” to reflect current realities. Fast forward to 2023, and the government launched a $5 billion lawsuit against NCOC over alleged environmental violations. Although Kazakhstan has been temporarily barred from collecting the fines pending arbitration, the case marks a significant escalation. In April 2024, the Parasat Business Alliance held a public briefing demanding more local participation in procurement contracts tied to oil fields such as Karachaganak, Kashagan, and Tengiz. Kazakh companies reportedly receive less than 5% of $12 billion in annual procurements, a figure viewed as unacceptable by domestic businesses. By January 2025, Tokayev’s rhetoric had hardened. Speaking at an expanded government meeting, he instructed his cabinet to actively renegotiate PSA terms before their expiration. "The implementation of these agreements has helped Kazakhstan become a reliable global energy supplier,” he said, “but large investments require updated terms that benefit our nation.”...

Economy

Opinion: Kazakhstan’s Tax Reform May Come as an Unpleasant Surprise

Kazakhstan's tax reform has reached a critical juncture. This week, the Mazhilis, the lower house of parliament, approved the draft of the new Tax Code in its first reading. The sweeping document, comprising 822 articles, proposes the repeal of the current Tax Code along with the accompanying implementation law. While the reform fulfils directives issued by President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev in his 2022 and 2023 state-of-the-nation addresses, skepticism abounds. Experts and business leaders have voiced concerns, and lawmakers themselves have offered mixed reviews, with many adopting a critical stance. Concerns About Scope and Timing Though tax professionals broadly agree on the need for tax reform, some warn that the current version may be the most stringent in over two decades. Critics argue that without addressing structural inefficiencies in government spending, raising taxes alone will not yield the desired outcomes. They emphasize the need for a balanced approach that supports both fiscal sustainability and economic resilience. Adding to the unease is the timing. Kazakhstan, like many economies, faces mounting global pressures. The threat of a financial downturn, exacerbated by falling energy prices and international tariff disputes, has prompted urgent consultations at the highest level. Tokayev recently convened a closed-door meeting with the prime minister and the head of the National Bank, instructing them to finalize a government action plan to mitigate potential economic fallout and maintain investment flows. A Mixed Bag of Reactions Some analysts acknowledge that the existing Tax Code, adopted in 2008, is outdated. They argue that reforms are essential to address digitalization, evolving business models, and new global challenges. Calls for improved tax administration, especially the simplification of procedures and adoption of risk-based oversight, aim to ease pressure on law-abiding businesses while better targeting the informal sector. The draft law also seeks to limit inefficient tax exemptions and make incentives more focused and transparent. These changes are framed as part of Tokayev's broader economic transformation agenda, which prioritizes fair taxation, industrial processing, and innovation. Nonetheless, many entrepreneurs remain uneasy. Economic instability, lingering post-pandemic effects, geopolitical risks, and sanctions-related supply disruptions have left businesses vulnerable. Critics worry that introducing a more demanding tax regime now may fuel uncertainty and discourage investment. Additional concerns center on governance. Persistent issues of corruption, selective enforcement, and administrative overreach have eroded public trust. Without parallel reforms in public administration, experts argue that changes to tax policy alone may fall short. Divided Political Reception The draft Tax Code’s passage through its first reading does not guarantee smooth sailing. Even the ruling Amanat party, while supporting the bill, has voiced reservations. Its members have called for safeguarding small and medium-sized enterprises and enhancing investment incentives. The opposition Ak Zhol party has been the most vocal critic. Its leader, Azat Peruashev, characterized the proposal as a fiscal crackdown rather than genuine reform. The faction demands greater transparency, public consultations, and a reconsideration of proposed VAT hikes and lower registration thresholds. Meanwhile, the pro-business Respublica party supports the reform in principle but insists on greater simplification in business-tax...

Trump Tariffs

Trump Tariffs: A Barrier for Kyrgyzstan, or an Opportunity?

Akylbek Japarov, former head of Kyrgyzstan’s Cabinet of Ministers, has described the United States’ newly imposed trade duties as an "economic earthquake" already reshaping global markets. However, he sees an opportunity for Kyrgyzstan, which faces a comparatively low U.S. tariff rate of just 10%. A Regional Advantage Japarov argues that China has been hit hardest by the new U.S. tariffs. “Following the introduction of duties, Chinese goods are 20-35 percent less competitive, not due to the nominal tariff alone, but because of higher overall costs, disrupted logistics, contract renegotiations, and increased risk premiums,” he explained in a Facebook post. “Part of that market is being freed up, for someone else.” Kyrgyzstan, along with Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, faces a 10% U.S. tariff rate. In contrast, Kazakhstan’s goods are subject to 27% duties. Japarov sees this as a competitive edge that Kyrgyzstan could leverage to integrate into new supply chains, especially while global players are adjusting to the new trade landscape. The former prime minister believes the country is well-positioned geographically, situated between China, the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), and South Asia, with low production costs and access to regional markets. While Kyrgyzstan’s total trade turnover stands at around $16 billion, the U.S. accounts for only 4% of that figure. Key exports to the U.S. include shoes, tobacco products, animal-derived goods, and pharmaceuticals. Japarov suggests Kyrgyz businesses focus on re-exports, product localization, and packaging. He calls for investments in logistics and customs certification, and for the government to craft a new export strategy. “While some see a threat, others are building export channels. While some are calculating losses, others are increasing production,” he said. An Opening for Business, Not Policy In an interview with The Times of Central Asia, Sergei Ponomarev, president of the Kyrgyz Association of Markets, Trade and Services, said the new tariffs should be viewed as part of a larger negotiation process. “The trade war has begun. China, the European Union, and other countries are already responding. But the duties have also triggered a wave of global inflation. These are high risks but also great opportunities,” he said. Ponomarev noted that Kyrgyzstan’s limited integration with the global economy means it will likely experience only indirect effects. Still, he pointed to past examples of adaptive trade strategies. Before joining the EAEU, Kyrgyz entrepreneurs often re-labeled Chinese products as “Made in Kyrgyzstan” for resale in Russia. In some cases, Chinese producers even falsely labeled their goods as Kyrgyz to benefit from preferential access to the Russian market. He suggested similar tactics could re-emerge under the current trade environment. “Some businesses may exploit the 10% duty. Chinese goods could be repackaged in Kyrgyzstan or processed through joint ventures,” Ponomarev said. “For example, a sweater could arrive from China, sleeves sewn on in Kyrgyzstan, and the product re-exported as local.” Such methods, he noted, may be feasible in low-tech sectors like apparel, but Kyrgyzstan lacks the skilled labor force needed to replicate this in high-tech manufacturing. Ponomarev concluded that while Japarov’s ideas are...

Forecast

Opinion – Storm Clouds Over Kazakhstan: Oil Slump and Global Risks Threaten Economic Stability

The persistent decline in Brent crude prices is the latest sign of a looming 'perfect storm' for Kazakhstan’s economy, the largest in Central Asia. With the mining sector comprising nearly half of its GDP and oil as a cornerstone resource, the nation’s economic stability is facing a cascade of potential shocks. Oil Prices and Budget Vulnerability Kazakhstan is grappling with significant economic headwinds amid forecasts of a global recession and declining energy prices. In April 2025, OPEC+, including Kazakhstan, unexpectedly agreed to raise oil production by 411,000 barrels per day, pushing prices below $65 per barrel. Given the country's reliance on hydrocarbon exports, such price drops jeopardize state revenues. Analysts say Kazakhstan needs oil prices to remain above $42.30 per barrel in 2025 to maintain fiscal stability. However, the threat extends beyond oil. As energy journalist Oleg Chervinsky noted on his Telegram channel, global commodity prices across the board are falling, a signal that recession is imminent. “The bad news for Kazakhstan is that prices are dropping not only for oil but for all raw materials,” Chervinsky wrote. “JP Morgan estimates the global recession probability at 60%. Even though oil and gas are exempt from Donald Trump’s new tariffs, the broader protectionist policies could fuel inflation, curb growth, and escalate trade tensions”. Trump's Trade War and Kazakhstan President Donald Trump’s sweeping tariffs are designed to limit low-cost imports and incentivize domestic production. Kazakhstan has been hit with a 27% tariff, the highest among the Central Asian nations. Its strategic location within China’s Belt and Road Initiative positions it as a potential re-export hub, prompting higher trade scrutiny. Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Trade and Integration has downplayed the immediate economic impact, noting that U.S.-bound exports account for less than 5% of total trade, and the country still holds a $1 billion trade surplus with the U.S. While the direct fallout may be limited, the broader implications of a global trade war could severely strain Kazakhstan’s economy. If a global recession takes hold, demand for Kazakhstan’s key exports, oil, uranium, and metals, will drop, dragging prices down further. Currency Pressures and Investor Retreat With shrinking export revenues, the tenge faces devaluation, leading to inflation, rising import costs, and weakened consumer purchasing power. In addition, recessions typically dampen foreign direct investment, especially in emerging markets like Kazakhstan, where perceived risk grows amid uncertainty. The China Factor The U.S.-China trade conflict is another critical variable. Trump’s strategy aims to undercut Beijing’s economic strength, but for Kazakhstan, China is its largest trading partner, representing over 15% of foreign trade. A slowdown in China would reduce demand for Kazakhstani raw materials and transit services. Such a downturn could also jeopardize President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev’s ambition to establish Kazakhstan as a vital trade corridor between China and Europe. While the Belt and Road Initiative is unlikely to collapse, reduced cargo flows would strain state revenues. China is also the primary buyer of Kazakhstan’s copper, aluminum, and ferroalloys. Any industrial slowdown there immediately impacts Kazakhstan's export volumes. Converging Risks Taken...