Organization of Turkic States (OTS) - The Times Of Central Asia

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Organization of Turkic States (OTS)

Tokayev Proposes Russian Role in OTS as Aliyev Skips Ankara Summit

Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has proposed inviting Russia to cooperate with the Organization of Turkic States (OTS) or granting it observer status. He made the proposal on October 30 at the summit in Ankara, where Türkiye assumed the organization's rotating chairmanship from Azerbaijan. Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev did not attend, despite a personal invitation from Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The participants adopted the Ankara Declaration and appointed Uzbekistan's Mirvokhid Azimov as the new OTS secretary-general. Azerbaijan was represented by Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov. Has Russia Expressed Interest in the OTS? Tokayev proposed two options for Russia's participation: cooperation through the "OTS+" format or observer status. "To enhance the standing of our Organization, it would be a right and fair decision to respond positively to Russia's intention and invite it to join this format or participate in OTS activities as an observer," the Kazakh president said. Tokayev referred to Moscow's intentions, although Russia itself has made no public announcement of plans to participate in the OTS. The Kazakh president justified the initiative by citing Russia's historical ties with Turkic peoples, its Turkic-speaking population, and the "Altai – Cradle of Turkic Civilization" project. The OTS comprises Türkiye, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan. Turkmenistan participates as an observer. Russia is not a member, but its population includes Tatars, Bashkirs, Yakuts, and other Turkic peoples. The proposed arrangements differ. OTS+ provides a framework for cooperation with external partners, while observer status allows more regular participation in the organization's activities without the decision-making rights of full members. In the same speech, Tokayev stressed once again that the OTS should not become a military alliance. Among its members, Türkiye belongs to NATO, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan are members of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), and Uzbekistan maintains a policy of nonparticipation in military blocs. Aliyev's Absence: Scheduling Conflict or Political Signal? Erdoğan had invited Aliyev to the summit during a telephone conversation on October 21. The Azerbaijani president, however, remained in Baku. Citing sources, an Azerbaijani news agency report attributed his absence to a previously scheduled appearance at an awards ceremony for finalists in an international FIFA U-15 football tournament. Public disagreements have emerged between the two allies in recent months. In Türkiye, critics have raised objections to restrictions on religious clothing in Azerbaijani schools. Baku regarded the criticism as interference in its domestic affairs and barred more than 30 Turkish citizens from entering the country. Another source of disagreement is Azerbaijan's relationship with Israel. Ankara strongly criticizes the Israeli government's actions, while Baku continues to cooperate with Israel in the energy and defense sectors. Azerbaijani political analyst Ilgar Velizade told Daily Europe Online that Turkish efforts to ease tensions had not resolved the disagreements. He cited the dismissal of Erdoğan adviser Oktay Saral following remarks critical of Azerbaijan. In Velizade's assessment, Baku may have regarded the move as a temporary concession ahead of the summit. The analyst also emphasized that Azerbaijan does not intend to change its relationship with Israel because of Türkiye's position....

OTS summit

OTS Summit in Ankara: Turkey Looks to Strengthen Its Position as Central Asia Competes for Transit Routes

Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev arrived in Ankara on October 28, the day he delivered his annual State of the Nation Address, in which he announced plans to expand transport routes between China and Europe. On October 30, he will attend the 13th summit of the Organization of Turkic States (OTS). Turkey is preparing to take over the organization's chairmanship from Azerbaijan, and Central Asian countries are seeking to accelerate freight transportation across the Caspian Sea. Behind the shared rhetoric of Turkic unity lie specific economic interests. Kazakhstan is building railways and expanding its capacity to handle transit cargo from China. Azerbaijan is developing Caspian ports and transport infrastructure in the South Caucasus. Turkey wants to attract more freight moving between China and Europe through Central Asia, increasing its role as a transit hub. A unified route looks much simpler on a political map than it does in the daily operations of transport companies. Between China and Europe, cargo crosses several borders, is transferred from trains to ships and back, undergoes customs clearance, and is subject to tariffs set by different operators. Interest in alternative Eurasian transport routes has grown since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, but the competition extends beyond freight. Ankara is looking to strengthen its political presence in Central Asia, where Russia and China retain considerable influence. Summit events begin on October 29 with a meeting of the Council of Foreign Ministers, chaired by Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan. The nation’s presidents will meet on the following day. Participants are expected to adopt the Ankara Declaration, discuss investment, energy, digitalization, security, and appoint a new OTS secretary-general. Tokayev and Kazakhstan's Route to Europe Tokayev's visit to Turkey follows directly after his State of the Nation Address, much of which focused on infrastructure, including plans to open the 272-kilometer Bakhty–Ayagoz railway in 2027. The line is expected to add 20 million metric tons of annual freight capacity between Kazakhstan and China. Tokayev also discussed construction of the Aral–Caspian highway. The project would establish a new transport connection between western and central Kazakhstan. According to government estimates, it could shorten certain freight routes between China and Europe by approximately 1,000 kilometers and reduce delivery times by up to three days. Both projects are part of a broader effort to increase Kazakhstan's revenue from international logistics. The country currently earns a substantial share of its transit revenue directly from freight transportation. Developing warehouses, terminals, processing facilities, and distribution centers could generate additional income. Turkey occupies an important position in this network. An overland branch of the Middle Corridor passes through its territory en route to European markets; the Baku–Tbilisi–Kars railway connects Azerbaijan to Turkey's rail network through Georgia. On the sidelines of the Ankara summit, Turkish business associations plan to discuss border crossing operations, transportation costs, and the development of the Middle Corridor. Transport geography, however, does not fit neatly within the OTS's political boundaries. Georgia, through which the railway connecting Azerbaijan and Turkey passes, is not a member...

Regional Security

The Middle East’s New Rivalry Runs Through Central Asia

Eighty years after Winston Churchill described an Iron Curtain dividing Europe from Stettin to Trieste, another geopolitical rivalry is emerging across the Middle East, with the swing states of Central Asia and the South Caucasus poised to play a pivotal role. From Gwadar to the Golden Horn, the new Mecca Pact brings together Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey. From Pune in India to Piraeus in Greece, the proposed India–Middle East–Europe Economic Corridor, or IMEC, represents a different vision of regional integration, linking India, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Israel, and Europe. At the heart of the struggle is the Turkey–Israel rivalry for regional leadership in the wake of the Iran war. But the contest will be shaped not only by the Middle East's principal players, but also by countries on its periphery, particularly in the South Caucasus and Central Asia. When Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan walked out of a regional summit in Baku as Israeli President Isaac Herzog began speaking on October 15, he was accompanied by representatives of Iran, Pakistan, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, the Palestinian Authority, and others opposed to Israel’s actions in Gaza. But none of the five Central Asian leaders followed him. Kazakhstan's President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev went further. On the sidelines of the summit, he held a bilateral meeting with Herzog, speaking about the “dynamic development” of Kazakhstan-Israel relations. The episode illustrated that the more Turkey plays the Israel card, the more difficult it becomes to maintain cohesion across the Turkic world. The Competition for Swing States At a Hudson Institute discussion in Washington on October 26, analysts examined competing regional alignments as the Middle East prepares for an era of reduced American engagement. [caption id="attachment_59471" align="alignnone" width="300"] From left, Ken Moriyasu, Chaim Martin, Soner Çağaptay, Aslı Aydıntaşbaş and Michael Doran at a Hudson Institute event on Oct. 26. Image: Hudson Institute[/caption] Aslı Aydıntaşbaş, director of the Turkey Project at the Brookings Institution, said the Mecca Pact is “an early experiment” in managing a post-American region. “In the long run, whether it's a Democratic or Republican administration, the notion of reducing U.S. footprint in the region is a very dominant theme, and you only have to look at the American public to see that,” she noted. Soner Çağaptay, director of the Turkish Research Program at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, suggested the pact could best be understood through the countries it excludes, both beginning with the letter "I." Israel and Iran are seen as “part of the regional problems, not the solutions,” he said, adding that the Mecca Pact envisions a broad coalition of countries establishing a new security architecture without either country at its center. India is the third "I," said Chaim Martin, Israel's minister of economic affairs to the United States. "That too is an ‘I’ that is specifically not in that pact," he said. Israel views India as a key strategic partner, with both democracies navigating complex regional environments. Erdogan's Azerbaijan Problem Despite the ambitions of the Mecca Pact,...

Middle Corridor

Kazakhstan Eyes Cyprus as Middle Corridor Link to Mediterranean

Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has invited Cyprus to participate in the development of the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route, seeking to strengthen trade links between Central Asia and the Mediterranean through one of Eurasia’s fastest-growing trade routes. The proposal was made during talks with Cypriot President Nikos Christodoulides, who paid an official visit to Kazakhstan. The TITR, also known as the Middle Corridor, connects China and Europe through Kazakhstan, the Caspian Sea, the South Caucasus, and Turkey. The route is approximately 3,000 kilometers shorter than the traditional northern route through Russia and currently allows cargo to travel from China to Europe in 10 to 15 days, compared with roughly twice that time via the northern corridor and up to 60 days by sea. “Cyprus is a world-class maritime hub, and the Middle Corridor creates significant opportunities to effectively connect Kazakhstan’s land transport infrastructure with Cyprus’s maritime infrastructure,” Tokayev said during a joint press briefing following the talks. According to Tokayev, such cooperation could help establish a new multimodal logistics network linking Central Asia, the Caspian region, and the Mediterranean while supporting growth in bilateral trade. The two leaders discussed expanding trade and investment ties, as well as strengthening business cooperation between the two countries. Tokayev said he had proposed developing a roadmap for bilateral economic cooperation and establishing an intergovernmental commission and business council to facilitate joint projects and increase commercial exchanges. He identified logistics, finance, tourism, and digital technologies as key areas for future cooperation, adding that Cyprus has expressed interest in Kazakhstan’s e-government platform and digital public services. Kazakhstan, he said, is ready to share its experience in those areas. More than 400 companies with Cypriot capital currently operate in Kazakhstan, including around 30 registered with the Astana International Financial Centre, according to Tokayev. Kazakhstan is prepared to create favorable conditions for Cypriot businesses interested in entering its market, he added. Speaking at a Kazakhstan-Cyprus business forum following the presidential talks, Prime Minister Olzhas Bektenov said Cyprus had invested more than $5 billion in Kazakhstan since 2005, with nearly half of that amount invested during the past five years. Bektenov said both countries occupy strategic positions along trade routes linking Europe and Asia. He suggested Cyprus could serve as a regional logistics hub in the eastern Mediterranean, complementing Kazakhstan’s role as a transit gateway between China and Europe. He also highlighted new direct flights between Astana and Larnaca, which began on June 2, and Almaty and Larnaca, which began on June 4, saying the routes would improve passenger travel and cargo links. The visit also carries a wider diplomatic context as it coincided with the inauguration of Cyprus’s embassy in Astana, its first in Central Asia, and comes amid continued sensitivity in Turkey over the Cyprus issue. Ankara has denied reports that Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan canceled a planned visit to Kazakhstan because of Christodoulides’ trip. The episode follows Tokayev’s recent effort to describe the Organization of Turkic States as a forum for cooperation rather than a military alliance,...

Organization of Turkic States (OTS)

Opinion: Silk Seven or the OTS? Central Asia May Not Have to Choose

A new proposal circulating in Washington – the Silk Seven Plus (S7+) initiative – aims to reshape Central Asia by linking its five post-Soviet states with Afghanistan and Pakistan into an integrated economic region. Azerbaijan is also seen as a potential addition. The idea, advanced by the New Lines Institute for Strategy and Policy, is straightforward: connect landlocked Central Asia to the Black Sea and Arabian Sea through new trade corridors. On paper, the bloc looks compelling. The seven countries form a contiguous zone in the heart of Eurasia, potentially turning geography from a constraint to an advantage. “Central Asia needs an organization built by Central Asian states and for Central Asian states,” said Justin Burke, a resident senior fellow at the New Lines Institute, at a recent event in Washington. “If Central Asia can speak with one voice rather than five different voices, that will make it a more reliable investment destination.” There are signs of momentum. Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev and Uzbekistan’s President Shavkat Mirziyoyev made back-to-back visits to Pakistan earlier this year, highlighting regional connectivity. Proponents argue that if Afghanistan stabilizes, the Silk Seven could become a formidable cluster. But that is a big “if.” It also raises a deeper question: why construct a new, geographically convenient bloc when an existing organization – the Organization of Turkic States (OTS)—already offers something deeper: shared language, history, and identity? While the Silk Seven spans broadly Muslim-majority countries, it is linguistically and culturally diverse. The grouping spans Turkic-speaking Central Asia, Persian-speaking Tajikistan, and Indo-Aryan Pakistan. ASEAN offers a cautionary example. Despite decades of cooperation, its religious, linguistic, and geopolitical diversity – combined with consensus-based decision-making – has often prevented it from speaking with one voice, particularly on China. In The Clash of Civilizations, Samuel Huntington wrote that when ASEAN was created in 1967 by Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand, it was an organization of “one Sinic, one Buddhist, one Christian, and two Muslim member states.” Such multicivilizational regional organizations have limits, he said. The Silk Seven risks similar limitations. The OTS, by contrast, rests on a narrower but deeper foundation: its core members—Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkey, and Uzbekistan—share closely related languages and overlapping historical experiences. Tucked away in the eight-page document issued after the informal OTS summit earlier this month was a revealing signal of intent: clauses dedicated to cataloguing Turkic cultural heritage, promoting youth engagement through Khiva’s designation as the 2026 Youth Capital, and launching a “Turkic Heritage” digital platform. Together, they show that the OTS is actively building a shared cultural space. Yet even as members emphasize common heritage, differences remain over how far the organization should evolve politically. Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, the summit host, stressed in his remarks that “the Organization of Turkic States is neither a geopolitical project nor a military organization,” but rather “a unique platform” for cooperation across trade, technology, culture, and humanitarian ties. Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev struck a more ambitious note, saying that “the Turkic world must grow into one of the influential geopolitical centers of the 21st century,” and pledging...

Organization of Turkic States (OTS)

OTS Summit in Turkistan Reveals Strains Beneath Turkic Unity

Last Friday, the Kazakh city of Turkistan, officially promoted as the “spiritual capital” of the Turkic world, hosted an informal summit of the Organization of Turkic States (OTS). The official theme was artificial intelligence and digital development, but the meeting also highlighted older questions about the OTS’s political identity, its relationship with Russia, and Ankara’s influence within the Turkic world. Because the gathering was informal, much of what took place remained behind closed doors. Yet public statements, official readouts, and subsequent commentary offered clues about the tensions and competing agendas within the organization. The summit brought together the presidents of Turkey, Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan, as well as Tufan Erhurman, president of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, which is recognized only by Turkey. The meeting followed Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s state visit to Kazakhstan, during which the two countries signed 15 agreements, including a Declaration on Eternal Friendship and an Enhanced Strategic Partnership between Kazakhstan and Turkey. In Turkistan, summit participants visited the mausoleum of Khoja Ahmed Yasawi, where Erdoğan donated a handwritten Quran manuscript to the historic site. Leaders also launched the construction of a Center for Turkic Civilization. The presidents of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan separately visited a newly built mosque donated to Turkistan by Tashkent. Despite the atmosphere of symbolism and fraternity, however, the summit also exposed clear differences between Ankara’s wide-ranging vision for the OTS and Astana’s insistence that the organization should remain a practical cooperation platform. Those differences became especially visible in President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev’s speech at the summit. “Recently, opinions have been voiced portraying our organization as a military alliance. It is obvious that those spreading such speculation pursue malicious goals and seek to sow discord. Kazakhstan considers it necessary to reject such positions,” Tokayev said. “The Organization of Turkic States is neither a geopolitical project nor a military organization. It is a unique platform aimed at strengthening trade, economic, technological, digital, cultural, and humanitarian cooperation among brotherly nations.” Kazakh political analyst Daniyar Ashimbayev argued that Tokayev’s remarks reflected a growing internal debate within the OTS. “On the one hand, some media interpreted his words as a response to foreign experts warning about the emergence of a ‘Turanic NATO.’ On the other hand, it should be noted that some fellow presidents within the OTS persistently promote the development of military cooperation. Kazakhstan is equally persistent in defining which forms of interaction it considers acceptable within the organization,” Ashimbayev wrote. Another analyst, Andrei Chebotarev, also argued that the core message of Tokayev’s speech was to frame the OTS primarily as a platform for economic, technological, digital, cultural, and humanitarian cooperation. “In this context, he rejected the idea of transforming the organization into a military-political bloc. This sent a signal both to pan-Turkic political forces interested in such a transformation and to political elites in countries that view the organization’s activities with caution,” Chebotarev said. Chebotarev also noted that Tokayev referenced the “OTS+” format launched at the organization’s previous summit in Azerbaijan and voiced support...