Politics - The Times Of Central Asia

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 201

Regional Influence

Opinion: Ex-U.S. Ambassador Warns Washington Has Ceded Information Space in Central Asia

Former U.S. Ambassador to Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, Daniel Rosenblum, has warned that Washington has “surrendered” its influence in Central Asia’s information sphere, allowing Russia and China to dominate the narrative. His remarks were reported by the Yale Daily News following a lecture at Yale University on September 15. Rosenblum, who served as U.S. ambassador to Uzbekistan from 2019 to 2022 and to Kazakhstan from 2022 to 2025, delivered a speech titled “Battling the Firehose of Falsehood: Confronting Russian Disinformation in Central Asia.” He described how Russian disinformation campaigns frequently portrayed U.S. diplomats as destabilizing actors. In one example from 2023, Russian outlets falsely claimed a NATO base had opened in Kazakhstan. “While it is easy to joke about such an absurd idea,” Rosenblum said, “the intent behind such Russian information operations is deadly serious.” Rosenblum noted that U.S. embassies attempted to counteract these narratives by highlighting tangible achievements, including COVID-19 health initiatives, agricultural partnerships, and academic exchange programs. However, he argued that much of this work has unraveled since 2023, citing the dismissal of over 1,300 State Department personnel, the elimination of USAID programs in the region, and recent cuts to Voice of America and Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. “Eight months into the second Trump administration, it seems clear that the information war is over in Central Asia, not because the Russians won. We have simply surrendered,” he said. Rosenblum also emphasized China’s expanding influence through the Belt and Road Initiative, observing that Beijing “was doing a pretty good job of winning friends and influencing people” via infrastructure investment and cultural outreach. In a post-lecture interview, Rosenblum underscored that the challenge is now largely domestic. “The biggest challenge today is ourselves,” he said. “We have to decide as a country, do we want to be engaged in the world or not? If we cut ourselves off from the world, we will ultimately be less secure and less prosperous.” This concern was echoed in earlier analysis for The Times of Central Asia by Arman Amini, a term member of the Council on Foreign Relations and an Atlantic Council Millennium Fellow. “Over the past decade, China has steadily expanded its presence in Central Asia, not through military force, but by building roads, trade corridors, and digital infrastructure,” Amini noted. “As the United States scaled back its regional footprint following its withdrawal from Afghanistan, Beijing moved quickly to fill the void. Today, China has positioned itself as the region’s dominant external power, while the U.S. risks being left on the sidelines.” The lecture was attended by approximately 80 people in person and online. It was organized by the Central Asia Initiative of the MacMillan Center, the Edward J. and Dorothy Clarke Memorial Fund, and Asian Crossroads, a student group dedicated to raising awareness of Central Asia.

Corruption

Prestige or Coercion? Turkmen Police Questioned Over Costly Leader Watches

Turkmenistan’s Ministry of Internal Affairs has launched an internal investigation after reports emerged that police officers were purchasing high-priced watches featuring images of President Serdar Berdimuhamedov, his father and former president Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, and state symbols. According to an internal directive sent to regional departments, police personnel must submit written explanations detailing whether they bought the watches voluntarily or under pressure from superiors. The ministry also announced inspections of police uniforms to ensure compliance with official standards. The directive reminds officers that wearing rings, medallions, or signet rings, aside from wedding bands, is strictly prohibited while on duty. Internal security units have been tasked with monitoring adherence. Prestige or Coercion? The Times of Central Asia previously reported that such watches have become a status symbol within law enforcement circles. Manufactured by Sagat Turkmenistan, the watches feature silver cases with gold plating, gemstone embellishments, and insignias of state agencies. They retail for between 3,000 and 5,000 TMT ($870-1,450). However, many residents allege the watches are frequently used as informal bribes. “If you are told that a criminal case will be brought against you, it means you need to buy such a watch and go to the investigator. This does not mean that the case will be closed. But it’s the first installment,” said a resident of Bayramali with experience of dealing with the police. Watches with white straps are seen as particularly prestigious. Sources say that investigators often request the strap be replaced, at the giver’s expense, to enhance the watch’s appearance. Mandatory Purchases for Civil Servants This phenomenon extends beyond law enforcement. In May 2024, The Times of Central Asia reported that heads of state institutions in the Balkan region were required to purchase similar watches. Prices ranged from 1,500 to 3,000 TMT ($435-870 at the official rate; $75-150 on the black market). High-end models featured portraits of both Berdimuhamedovs, each in differently colored ties, alongside the Turkmen flag and map. Less expensive variants depicted only the president, or a simplified combination of national symbols. The purchase requirement applied to all budget-funded institutions, including schools, hospitals, and transportation agencies. Different “rates” were imposed based on the official’s seniority: lower-level managers paid 1,500 manats, while higher-level administrators paid up to 3,000. The tradition of producing watches featuring national leaders dates back to the rule of Saparmurat Niyazov, under whom such accessories were distributed to schoolchildren and state employees. Serdar Berdimuhamedov has continued this legacy with his own line of commemorative timepieces.

Politics

Kyrgyz Parliament Reveals Real Reasons for Its Possible Dissolution

A group of deputies from Kyrgyzstan's parliament, the Jogorku Kenesh, have announced that they are close to finalizing a decision on the parliament’s self-dissolution. According to the Constitution, if dissolution proceeds, early elections must be held within two months, meaning the vote could take place as early as November. Deputy Dastan Bekeshev stated that although he did not sign the dissolution initiative himself, he estimates the likelihood at 99.7 percent. Sixty signatures, two-thirds of all members of parliament, are required for self-dissolution, and 30 signatures have already been collected. Despite the uncertainty, political headquarters are actively preparing: sociologists are conducting phone surveys, consultants are drafting programs and PR strategies, and Bekeshev has called on his supporters to volunteer as campaigners or election observers. “This time, the election campaign will be shortened: 20 days of campaigning, and candidate registration will also be expedited. The parliamentary committee is already planning to discuss the procedure for donations to candidates’ election funds,” Bekeshev said. He has also introduced a new bill addressing election finance. Under current rules, donations can only be made through accounts in a limited number of banks, which he argues creates obstacles for candidates. His proposal would expand banking options and allow campaign funds to be supplemented through the sale of political merchandise. Some lawmakers suggest that the push for early elections reflects the interests of certain groups that want to bring in loyal candidates aligned with the speaker and the authorities. Bekeshev indirectly acknowledged this view, noting that restrictions on candidates’ access to additional resources, combined with the doubling of the maximum campaign fund from 10 to 20 million KGS, could turn parliament into what he called a “parliament for the rich,” limiting access for ordinary citizens. The Central Election Commission has confirmed it is prepared to organize the vote and has urged deputies to inform citizens about new election rules. Under the revised system, three deputies will be elected from each constituency, but voters will only be able to cast a ballot for one candidate.

Politics

Kyrgyz Deputies Launch Initiative to Dissolve Parliament

A group of deputies in Kyrgyzstan’s parliament, the Jogorku Kenesh, have launched an initiative to dissolve parliament. The MPs have begun collecting signatures in support of the measure and plan to revisit the issue at the end of September, when a vote could be held. Under Kyrgyzstan’s Constitution, such an initiative can be formally submitted with the backing of at least 30 deputies. For it to pass, however, a two-thirds majority, 60 votes, is required. If successful, parliament would be dissolved and new elections scheduled within two months. Political analysts in Bishkek note that there are currently no signs of a parliamentary crisis that would warrant early elections. They argue that self-dissolution could instead burden the state budget and fuel political instability, potentially discouraging investors. Supporters of the initiative, however, insist their motives are pragmatic. According to the Constitution, the next parliamentary elections are scheduled for November 2026, followed by presidential elections in January 2027. The short interval between the two campaigns, deputies say, could create logistical challenges and additional costs, making an earlier parliamentary vote preferable. Any future elections will be held under Kyrgyzstan’s updated electoral system. Single-member constituencies have been abolished, replaced by 30 multi-member districts that will each elect three deputies, making up the Jogorku Kenesh’s 90 seats in total. The last parliamentary elections, held in November 2021, came after widespread protests in October 2020 over disputed results. Those demonstrations forced a rerun and triggered major political upheaval, including the resignation of then-President Sooronbay Jeenbekov. Since independence, the Jogorku Kenesh has voted to dissolve itself three times, each instance occurring amid political crises and disputes with the presidential administration. So far, officials have not commented on the latest initiative, and the public remains uncertain about the real motivations driving it.

Politics

Kyrgyz Parliament Resumes Work After Summer Recess

Members of Kyrgyzstan's parliament, the Jogorku Kenesh, have returned to work following a two-month summer recess, during which they engaged with constituents across the country. The new session began in the recently renovated parliament building, which reopened after three years of reconstruction. “I am confident that this chamber will make the right and fair decisions that our country needs,” said Speaker of Parliament Nurlanbek Turgunbek uulu. On the first day of the session, deputies approved the appointment of a new Minister of Labor, Social Security, and Migration. Lawmakers also proposed the establishment of a separate agency focused on migrant affairs, discussed a housing renovation initiative, and allocated additional funds for the CASA-1000 energy infrastructure project. Additionally, amendments to the Criminal Procedure Code were passed to strengthen protections for citizens during investigative procedures. However, some public expectations remain unmet, particularly concerning the discussion of pressing regional issues. Speculation about the early dissolution of parliament continues to circulate, though deputies have dismissed these claims. “This will only happen if parliament itself decides so,” said Deputy Mirlan Samykozho. Kyrgyzstan is scheduled to hold its next parliamentary elections next year.

Society

Watches Bearing Berdimuhamedov Portraits Become Unofficial Currency in Turkmenistan’s Security Sector

In Turkmenistan, wristwatches adorned with the images of President Serdar Berdimuhamedov and his father, former president Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, are increasingly being used as informal bribes by citizens dealing with law enforcement. Chronicles of Turkmenistan reports that these timepieces, once symbols of official loyalty, have evolved into an unofficial currency within the country’s security apparatus. Distributed primarily through the company Sagat Turkmenistan, the watches are embellished with silver-plated cases, gold accents, precious stones, and the emblems of various law enforcement agencies. Prices range from 3,000 to 5,000 Turkmenistani Manat (TMT), or approximately $870-1,450. But few security officers reportedly pay for them out of pocket. Instead, citizens facing potential criminal prosecution are expected to offer the watches as “gifts” to investigators. “If you are told that a criminal case will be brought against you, then you need to buy such a watch and go to the investigator. This does not mean that the case will be closed. But it is the first payment,” said a resident of the town of Bayramali who had prior dealings with law enforcement. The standard version comes with a black leather strap, although a white version is seen as particularly luxurious. In some instances, investigators reportedly request a strap upgrade, an added cost that the briber must cover. The practice is not limited to security services. In May 2024, The Times of Central Asia reported that in the Balkan region, heads of state institutions were required to purchase similar watches featuring the Berdimuhamedov portraits. Prices ranged from 1,500 to 3,000 TMT ($435-870 at the official rate, or $75-150 on the black market), depending on the design and seniority of the buyer. Higher-tier models feature both Serdar Berdimuhamedov in a black tie and Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov in a red tie, along with the Turkmen flag and a map of the country. Simpler versions show only one portrait, or a portrait combined with national symbols. All public sector entities, including institutions in healthcare, education, communications, transport, and law enforcement, were reportedly compelled to participate. Senior officials were instructed to purchase the higher-end watches, while lower-level managers had to acquire less expensive models. The use of personalized accessories as symbols of political loyalty is not new in Turkmenistan. Under former president Saparmurat Niyazov, watches featuring his image were widely distributed among schoolchildren and state employees. “We saw watches with the president’s image during Niyazov’s time. It is not surprising that Serdar [Berdimuhamedov] has also started producing gift watches with his portraits. Now all that remains is for him to start erecting monuments to himself throughout the country,” remarked an employee of a state-funded organization in the city of Turkmenbashi. What began as a tool of soft propaganda has now transformed into a transactional item, part status symbol, part bargaining chip, in the interactions between citizens, officials, and security services.