Summit - The Times Of Central Asia

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Geopolitics

European Summit in Yerevan Sends a Signal to Central Asia

The 8th European Political Community summit in Yerevan highlighted deepening geopolitical fault lines while signaling that some post-Soviet countries, notably Azerbaijan and Armenia, are gradually shifting their geopolitical orientation away from Moscow. It is a realignment that Central Asian states are watching with increasing interest. On May 4, attention across post-Soviet space, from Russia and Belarus to Central Asia and the South Caucasus, turned toward Yerevan. Armenia, still a member of the Commonwealth of Independent States and the Eurasian Economic Union and formally tied to the Collective Security Treaty Organization despite freezing its participation, hosted Europe’s political leadership. Among those attending were French President Emmanuel Macron, NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, European Council President António Costa, and prime ministers including Donald Tusk, Keir Starmer, and Petteri Orpo. Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev participated via video link. No Central Asian leaders attended the summit. Even so, the gathering carried a message for the region. Armenia hosted Europe’s political leadership while remaining tied to Moscow-led structures, including the CIS and the Eurasian Economic Union. For Central Asian governments pursuing their own multi-vector policies, the summit showed how a post-Soviet state can widen its diplomatic options without a clean break from Russia. The parallel is not exact, but it is visible. Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan remain in the Eurasian Economic Union, while Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan remain in the CSTO. All five Central Asian states maintain working ties with Moscow, while expanding contacts with the EU, Turkey, China, and the Gulf, part of a wider effort to diversify foreign policy options through closer engagement with Europe and other outside powers. Turkey was represented by Vice President Cevdet Yılmaz, the highest-level Turkish official to visit Armenia since then-President Abdullah Gül in 2008. Turkey and Azerbaijan largely positioned themselves as counterweights to the dominant European framing, marking one of the summit’s key geopolitical divides. Aliyev adopted a confrontational tone, announcing a suspension of relations with the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe and the European Parliament. “Instead of addressing fundamental problems of some member states, such as xenophobia, Islamophobia, antisemitism, migration, competitiveness, and homelessness, the European Parliament targets Azerbaijan, spreading slander and lies,” Aliyev said. “And the reason is that Azerbaijan restored its territorial integrity and sovereignty, put an end to separatism, and brought war criminals to justice.” In response, António Costa sought to soften tensions, emphasizing the summit’s historical significance as the first of its kind held in the South Caucasus and highlighting Aliyev’s participation as a symbol of peace efforts in the region. Cevdet Yilmaz focused on bilateral diplomacy, meeting Romanian President Nicușor Dan to discuss trade, regional issues, and global challenges. He also held talks with Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, the summit’s host. The two sides signed a memorandum of understanding on the joint restoration of the historic Ani Bridge, located on the border between the two countries and dating back to the 11th century. Yilmaz suggested that Armenia would benefit from closer alignment with Turkey...

EAEU

From GDP to AI: EAEU Leaders Review Integration Milestones in St. Petersburg

The leaders of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) gathered on December 21 at the Yeltsin Presidential Library in St. Petersburg, Russia, to assess the bloc’s progress and outline future integration priorities. The summit was attended by the leaders of EAEU member states, President of Russia, Vladimir Putin, President of Belarus, Aleksandr Lukashenko, Prime Minister of Armenia, Nikol Pashinyan, President of Kazakhstan, Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, President of Kyrgyzstan, Sadyr Zhaparov, and Chairman of the Board of the Eurasian Economic Commission, Bakytzhan Sagintayev. In an expanded format, representatives of Uzbekistan, Indonesia, Iran, and Cuba also participated. The meeting took place against the backdrop of continued global economic fragmentation, as the EAEU looks to position itself as a stable integration platform within an increasingly multipolar economic order. [caption id="attachment_41254" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Image: Akorda[/caption] Opening the meeting, Vladimir Putin proposed a year-end review and highlighted key decisions aimed at deepening cooperation. He stated that the EAEU has solidified its position as an independent and self-sufficient center within the evolving multipolar world. Putin pointed to rising combined GDP figures and noted that EAEU membership has contributed to economic stability and improved living standards across member states. These assessments framed the EAEU not only as a regional trade bloc but as a long-term economic center adapting to shifting global alignments. [caption id="attachment_41258" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Image: Akorda[/caption] Putin also cited progress in building the union’s payment infrastructure, removing trade barriers, and enhancing transport connectivity. Among individual economies, Kyrgyzstan stood out with a GDP growth rate of around 10%. Much of the focus, however, remained on translating macroeconomic gains into deeper market integration across energy, finance, and logistics. Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko, addressing the summit as chair of the EAEU, called for renewed approaches to economic engagement with third countries over the next five years. He endorsed deeper ties with what he termed the “global majority,” while acknowledging existing challenges, such as delays in establishing unified energy markets and hesitancy among member states to form a common financial market. Nonetheless, he described the Union State of Russia and Belarus as the “locomotive of integration” in the post-Soviet region. The discussion highlighted a recurring tension for the bloc: expanding external partnerships while still completing core internal market harmonization. [caption id="attachment_41259" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Image: Akorda[/caption] Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev emphasized the EAEU's milestone year as it entered its second decade. He projected a 2% increase in the union’s combined GDP in 2025 and noted that intra-union direct investment had surpassed $20 billion. Kazakhstan alone saw a nearly sevenfold increase in EAEU-related investment from $600 million in 2015 to $4 billion in 2024. [caption id="attachment_41260" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Image: Akorda[/caption] Tokayev also proposed the systematic integration of artificial intelligence technologies into EAEU operations, from trade forecasting to customs duties assessment. He highlighted the union’s potential as a global transport and logistics hub and advocated for the swift implementation of the Caspian Sea shipping agreement. Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev noted that Uzbekistan’s trade with EAEU countries had nearly doubled to $20 billion over its...

Central Asia + Japan

Mirziyoyev Begins Japan Visit With Central Asia Leaders’ Reception in Tokyo

President Shavkat Mirziyoyev of Uzbekistan began his visit to Japan on Thursday by attending an official reception hosted by Japan’s Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi at the Akasaka Palace in Tokyo. The event marked the opening of a series of engagements bringing together the leaders of Central Asia and Japan, with a focus on strengthening regional cooperation. The reception brought together the presidents of all five Central Asian states. Alongside Mirziyoyev were President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev of Kazakhstan, President Sadyr Japarov of Kyrgyzstan, President Emomali Rahmon of Tajikistan, and President Serdar Berdimuhamedov of Turkmenistan. The gathering underscored Japan’s effort to engage the region as a group, rather than solely through bilateral ties. Mirziyoyev’s presence at the Akasaka Palace, a venue reserved for state-level diplomacy, highlighted Uzbekistan’s growing role in Central Asia and its expanding foreign policy outreach beyond the immediate region. In recent years, Tashkent has sought to deepen ties with Asian partners, including Japan, in areas ranging from infrastructure and energy to education and technology. According to the visit programme, Mirziyoyev will hold high-level talks with Japanese government officials on December 20. Those discussions are expected to focus on trade and investment, technological cooperation, and sustainable development, including green energy and climate resilience. Japan has been a long-standing development partner for Uzbekistan, providing loans, grants, and technical assistance through agencies such as the Japan International Cooperation Agency. The visit will feature the inaugural leaders-level “Central Asia + Japan” Dialogue Summit, bringing all six sides together in a multilateral format. The summit is intended to build on earlier dialogue mechanisms and explore joint approaches to economic connectivity, regional stability, and long-term growth. For Mirziyoyev, the Tokyo meetings offer an opportunity to reinforce Uzbekistan’s reform agenda on an international stage and to position the country as an active participant in shaping Central Asia’s collective engagement with major partners such as Japan.

CSTO

CSTO Signs New Security Roadmap in Bishkek Amid Armenia Boycott and Putin Ukraine Remarks

The Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) reaffirmed its commitment to regional security and political coordination during its annual summit in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, on November 27. Leaders from five of the bloc’s six members - Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan - attended the event and signed off on a series of military, security, and strategic cooperation agreements. Armenia, the sixth CSTO member, boycotted the summit for the second year running, continuing its protest against the alliance’s refusal to intervene during Armenia’s conflict with Azerbaijan, and marking another low in Armenia’s engagement with the CSTO after months of public grievances against the bloc. Despite Yerevan’s absence, the other members adopted a wide-ranging joint declaration reaffirming the alliance’s collective defense commitments and outlining new initiatives to modernize its security framework. Notably, Armenia did not oppose the adoption of the summit documents in its absence. The CSTO, founded in 2002 and led by Russia, has a charter that guarantees mutual defense among members, though the bloc has often struggled to act decisively during regional crises. Still, it remains the only formal security alliance connecting Russia with post-Soviet Central Asian republics. Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov hosted the summit, marking the end of his country’s chairmanship. Japarov handed over the role to Russian President Vladimir Putin, who announced that Russia will lead the CSTO in 2026 under the motto “Collective Security in a Multipolar World: Common Goal—Shared Responsibility.” The bloc also appointed Kyrgyzstan’s Taalatbek Masadykov as the next Secretary General. The former deputy head of Kyrgyzstan’s Security Council will begin his three-year term on January 1, 2026. In remarks during the summit, Putin also addressed global concerns about the war in Ukraine, stating that a 28-point peace plan proposed by former U.S. President Donald Trump could serve as a “basis for future agreements.” He added that Russia has no intention of attacking Europe, seeking to dispel fears of escalation while reaffirming Moscow’s security agenda. The summit ended with the adoption of a large number of documents. Among them were a strategy to combat drug trafficking and plans to improve border security, peacekeeping readiness, and anti-terrorism efforts. Russia used the summit to offer CSTO members a rearmament initiative. Putin proposed supplying allies with modern Russian-made weapons that had “proven their effectiveness” in recent conflicts. The offer included expanded cooperation in joint production and training. Military exercises will continue under the newly adopted five-year cooperation plan. In 2025, the CSTO held drills in Kyrgyzstan, Belarus, and Tajikistan under the banner “Indestructible Brotherhood.” The plan outlines regular future training, integration of air defense units, and enhancements to peacekeeping logistics. The alliance also adopted an Anti-Drug Strategy for 2026–2030 and signed a joint resolution to intensify Operation “Kanal,” which targets drug routes through Central Asia. The CSTO committed to upgrading its counterterrorism strategy and enhancing cyber defense capabilities, with Russia proposing broader coordination on information security and biosecurity. Tajik President Emomali Rahmon, meanwhile, used the summit to urge partners to accelerate border security aid along Tajikistan’s porous southern frontier...

CSTO

CSTO Summit in Bishkek: Armenia’s Boycott, Russia’s Agenda, and a New Secretary General

On November 27, Kyrgyzstan will host the annual summit of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) in Bishkek, bringing together foreign ministers, defense ministers, and security council secretaries from member states. While often portrayed in Russian media as an Eurasian analogue to NATO, the CSTO remains an organization heavily dependent on Russian military power. Should Moscow withdraw or reduce its support, the Organization’s relevance would likely collapse. A stark illustration of this fragility is Armenia, whose Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan will boycott the summit entirely. Russian Presidential Aide Yuri Ushakov confirmed that Armenia will not attend the session of the Collective Security Council, the CSTO’s highest governing body, though it does not object to the adoption of bloc-wide documents. According to the CSTO press service, the Council is expected to adopt a declaration outlining member states’ joint positions on current security challenges. Also on the agenda is the formal appointment of the next Secretary General for the 2026-2029 term, and the unveiling of Russia’s priorities for its upcoming presidency in 2026. President Vladimir Putin’s speech on these priorities is expected to dominate the summit. Armenia’s withdrawal highlights the CSTO’s waning cohesion, maintained largely by members' reliance on Russian security assistance, a dynamic in place since the Treaty’s inception in Tashkent on May 15, 1992. The original signatories included Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan, with Azerbaijan, Belarus, and Georgia joining in 1993. The treaty entered into force in 1994. Its central provision, Article 4, mandates collective defense: an attack on one member is considered an attack on all, obligating military and other forms of assistance in line with Article 51 of the UN Charter. In 1999, Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and Tajikistan signed a protocol extending the treaty, establishing an automatic renewal every five years. The formal CSTO was created in 2002; its charter was registered with the UN the following year, and it has held observer status at the UN General Assembly since 2004. For Armenia, the CSTO’s relevance has waned dramatically since the bloc declined to intervene during the final phase of the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis. Yerevan’s disenchantment, however, predates 2023 and stretches back to the 2021–2022 border clashes, when it also felt the organization had failed to provide meaningful support. Kazakhstan, by contrast, remains a key beneficiary: the rapid CSTO deployment in January 2022 played a central role in stabilizing the country during a period of acute domestic unrest. As the current Secretary General, Imangali Tasmagambetov - an influential figure from the “Old Kazakhstan” elite - completes his term, the position is scheduled to rotate to Taalatbek Masadykov of Kyrgyzstan. Ushakov confirmed that Tasmagambetov will deliver a final report on the Organization’s activities and security concerns before officially stepping down on January 1. Masadykov, currently Deputy Secretary General, is expected to assume the role seamlessly. While Masadykov brings diplomatic gravitas, the question remains whether he can restrain Moscow and Minsk from pushing CSTO allies toward confrontation with NATO. Tasmagambetov leaves behind a significant legacy and an...

EU-Central Asia Relations

EU’s Kallas Tours Central Asia Ahead of Landmark Samarkand Summit

Last week, Kaja Kallas, the European Union's High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice-President of the European Commission, toured Central Asia in advance of the first-ever EU-Central Asia Summit. The notable meeting is set to take place in the ancient Uzbek city of Samarkand on April 3-4. EU-Central Asia Summit Samarkand, a city increasingly popular among international travelers, has hosted high-level gatherings before, including the Shanghai Cooperation Organization Summit in September 2022. However, the upcoming summit marks the first time the top leadership of all five post-Soviet Central Asian republics will convene with the EU at this level. Key topics on the agenda include energy cooperation, trade corridors, and climate change. The summit is expected to produce several agreements that will outline the progress of EU-Central Asia relations and establish strategic policy directions for the future. Visit to Turkmenistan Kallas began her tour in Ashgabat, where she chaired the 20th EU-Central Asia Foreign Ministers’ Meeting. There, she addressed the implications of EU sanctions on Russia. “The European Union has enacted 16 sanctions packages and is currently preparing the 17th. I understand these measures impact the region’s economies, but Russian companies must not be allowed to use Central Asia to circumvent them,” Kallas warned. The meeting also focused on the EU-Central Asia roadmap adopted in Luxembourg in October 2023. Discussions centered on deepening trade, economic, and transport ties, along with expanding digital connectivity as part of the EU's Global Gateway initiative. Kallas also met with Turkmen President Serdar Berdimuhamedov, praising Turkmenistan’s development and expressing appreciation for bilateral cooperation. Her remarks drew criticism from some observers. Belarusian political analyst Dzmitry Balkunets criticized Kallas on social media, accusing the EU of compromising its values by praising authoritarian regimes. Uzbekistan Visit In Tashkent, Kallas met with President Shavkat Mirziyoyev. Discussions highlighted the upcoming Samarkand summit and stressed the importance of deepening EU-Uzbek cooperation in trade, logistics, digitalization, green energy, and infrastructure. Both sides also explored steps toward a new enhanced partnership agreement and Uzbekistan’s accession to the World Trade Organization. Visit to Kazakhstan Kallas concluded her tour in Astana, where she met with President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev on March 28. A statement from Tokayev’s office underlined Kazakhstan’s cautious diplomatic approach to global tensions. "President Tokayev emphasized the importance of restraint and responsibility in evaluating complex global developments. Kazakhstan remains committed to resolving international conflicts through diplomacy," the statement read. Analysts suggest Kallas may have encouraged Tokayev to distance Astana from both Moscow and Washington, as Brussels often diverges from Washington on issues like the war in Ukraine. However, Tokayev reiterated Kazakhstan’s multi-vector foreign policy, which avoids aligning with any single global power. In a notable development, Tokayev met with Uzbek President Mirziyoyev last weekend in Almaty. Though unannounced, the working visit suggests that the two leaders were coordinating positions ahead of the Samarkand summit. Whether their joint stance aligns with Brussels' expectations remains to be seen.