CSTO - The Times Of Central Asia

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Armed Forces

Tokayev Sets Two-Year Deadline for Military Reform in Kazakhstan

Speaking at a traditional ceremony ahead of Defender of the Fatherland Day, celebrated in Kazakhstan on May 7, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev said the country must reform its armed forces within the next two years. “Our country must be prepared to prevent various challenges and respond to any threats. Therefore, we need to strengthen our defense potential and continue, above all, the technological modernization of the Armed Forces. This is a requirement of today’s unstable and turbulent times. In this regard, it is first necessary to carry out deep reforms in our Armed Forces and militarized structures. This is a strategically important task that must be resolved in a short period within two years,” Tokayev said during a ceremony awarding state honors and military ranks ahead of Defender of the Fatherland Day and Victory Day, celebrated on May 9. Russian analysts responded to the statement before many Kazakh commentators, largely arguing that Kazakhstan faces no major external threats and therefore has little need for sweeping military reform. One of them, Stanislav Pritchin, head of the Central Asia sector at the Primakov Institute of World Economy and International Relations in Moscow, said Kazakhstan had no serious territorial disputes or significant tensions with neighboring countries. “There are some political disagreements, but overall, the country exists in a fairly calm environment. There are simply no conflict points that would require Kazakhstan to fundamentally revise its military doctrine or significantly strengthen its army,” he told the publication, Expert. Pritchin also suggested that Russian concern stemmed from uncertainty over how Tokayev’s accelerated military reform agenda fits with Kazakhstan’s commitments to Moscow-led organizations such as the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). In Kazakhstan, however, the reform agenda fits a familiar pattern: by the time Tokayev publicly announces a deadline, work in that direction is often already well underway. In December 2025, Prime Minister Olzhas Bektenov outlined major military reforms while responding to parliamentary questions about discipline in the armed forces. Following presidential instructions, the government submitted three draft laws to parliament intended to form the foundation of the reform process. The legislation addresses crime prevention and revises administrative regulations within the military system. One of the main goals is to clearly divide responsibilities among commanders, military police, and other authorized bodies while introducing technology-based disciplinary oversight mechanisms. At the same time, the Health Ministry has developed a 2026-2028 roadmap for suicide prevention in Kazakhstan, with separate provisions focused on military personnel. As part of the broader reform effort, the authorities have also approved the interagency “Digital Prevention” program for 2025-2028. The initiative includes integrating video surveillance systems, artificial intelligence, and a unified database to monitor discipline and public order within the military. In parallel, the “Law and Order in the Army” program aims to strengthen military discipline and prevent offenses among service members. Tokayev also addressed military reform in an interview with the newspaper Turkistan earlier this year. The interviewer noted that repeated deaths among soldiers during military service were damaging...

CSTO

CSTO Faces Uncertain Future as Putin Champions Russian Arms

The session of the CSTO Collective Security Council on November 27 in Bishkek underscored a key reality: the bloc, once envisioned as the “Eurasian response to NATO,” now consists of just five active members. Armenia pointedly boycotted the summit, a gesture that spoke volumes about the alliance’s internal fractures. While the presidents of Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Tajikistan discussed “multipolarity” and “security,” Kyrgyz authorities erected a massive LED screen near the presidential residence, conveniently blocking the Ukrainian flag atop the Ukrainian embassy. Officials claimed the move was a “protocol requirement.” Moscow used the summit as a platform to outline its long-term strategic goals for the region, seizing the moment amid Armenia’s absence, growing debate over the CSTO’s purpose, and rising competition from other international security alliances in Eurasia. Yerevan’s decision to skip the gathering is a warning sign for fellow CSTO members. Armenia, having faced a real security crisis, evidently no longer views the alliance as a reliable guarantor. This casts doubt on the CSTO’s ability to adapt to a rapidly evolving regional security landscape, where flexibility, responsiveness, and tangible conflict support are increasingly in demand. In his report, CSTO Secretary General Imangali Tasmagambetov emphasized the bloc’s institutional development over the past three years, expanding collective forces, developing cyber capabilities, and establishing new international roadmaps. He also announced the creation of an Information and Analytical Department, signaling an effort to emulate more sophisticated military-political structures. Yet much of his address echoed the standard talking points delivered at previous summits. Tasmagambetov did address Armenia's absence, stating, “The CSTO respects Yerevan’s sovereign right.” Rather than defusing the issue, this acknowledgment only served to highlight the political rupture. Despite the tensions, CSTO leaders signed a broad set of documents, including a collective security strategy, an anti-drug initiative, and new military cooperation plans, reportedly one of the most comprehensive packages in recent years. Nonetheless, the summit’s spotlight belonged to Vladimir Putin and Alexander Lukashenko. The other leaders appeared relegated to the sidelines, affirming declarations to preserve a fragile collective consensus. Putin’s visit to Bishkek spanned two days, during which his pronouncements effectively became the summit’s agenda. He reiterated that the CSTO is a “guarantor of stability” and proposed equipping the bloc’s collective forces with Russian weapons “proven in combat conditions”, a clear reference to the war in Ukraine, though left deliberately vague. With Russia set to assume the CSTO chairmanship in 2026, the Kremlin appears to be steering the alliance toward deeper military-technical integration. Promoting its weapons to member states not only boosts Russia’s arms industry but also increases CSTO members’ reliance on Russian technologies and command systems. Some analysts suggest Moscow’s chairmanship priorities, from cybersecurity to aerospace defense, reflect an effort to position the CSTO as a counterweight to rival military-political blocs. President Lukashenko of Belarus added a European security dimension to the talks, citing NATO’s growing defense budgets and the military buildup in Poland, Germany, and the Baltic states as justification for reinforcing the CSTO. For Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, the...

CSTO

CSTO Signs New Security Roadmap in Bishkek Amid Armenia Boycott and Putin Ukraine Remarks

The Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) reaffirmed its commitment to regional security and political coordination during its annual summit in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, on November 27. Leaders from five of the bloc’s six members - Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan - attended the event and signed off on a series of military, security, and strategic cooperation agreements. Armenia, the sixth CSTO member, boycotted the summit for the second year running, continuing its protest against the alliance’s refusal to intervene during Armenia’s conflict with Azerbaijan, and marking another low in Armenia’s engagement with the CSTO after months of public grievances against the bloc. Despite Yerevan’s absence, the other members adopted a wide-ranging joint declaration reaffirming the alliance’s collective defense commitments and outlining new initiatives to modernize its security framework. Notably, Armenia did not oppose the adoption of the summit documents in its absence. The CSTO, founded in 2002 and led by Russia, has a charter that guarantees mutual defense among members, though the bloc has often struggled to act decisively during regional crises. Still, it remains the only formal security alliance connecting Russia with post-Soviet Central Asian republics. Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov hosted the summit, marking the end of his country’s chairmanship. Japarov handed over the role to Russian President Vladimir Putin, who announced that Russia will lead the CSTO in 2026 under the motto “Collective Security in a Multipolar World: Common Goal—Shared Responsibility.” The bloc also appointed Kyrgyzstan’s Taalatbek Masadykov as the next Secretary General. The former deputy head of Kyrgyzstan’s Security Council will begin his three-year term on January 1, 2026. In remarks during the summit, Putin also addressed global concerns about the war in Ukraine, stating that a 28-point peace plan proposed by former U.S. President Donald Trump could serve as a “basis for future agreements.” He added that Russia has no intention of attacking Europe, seeking to dispel fears of escalation while reaffirming Moscow’s security agenda. The summit ended with the adoption of a large number of documents. Among them were a strategy to combat drug trafficking and plans to improve border security, peacekeeping readiness, and anti-terrorism efforts. Russia used the summit to offer CSTO members a rearmament initiative. Putin proposed supplying allies with modern Russian-made weapons that had “proven their effectiveness” in recent conflicts. The offer included expanded cooperation in joint production and training. Military exercises will continue under the newly adopted five-year cooperation plan. In 2025, the CSTO held drills in Kyrgyzstan, Belarus, and Tajikistan under the banner “Indestructible Brotherhood.” The plan outlines regular future training, integration of air defense units, and enhancements to peacekeeping logistics. The alliance also adopted an Anti-Drug Strategy for 2026–2030 and signed a joint resolution to intensify Operation “Kanal,” which targets drug routes through Central Asia. The CSTO committed to upgrading its counterterrorism strategy and enhancing cyber defense capabilities, with Russia proposing broader coordination on information security and biosecurity. Tajik President Emomali Rahmon, meanwhile, used the summit to urge partners to accelerate border security aid along Tajikistan’s porous southern frontier...

CSTO

CSTO Summit in Bishkek: Armenia’s Boycott, Russia’s Agenda, and a New Secretary General

On November 27, Kyrgyzstan will host the annual summit of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) in Bishkek, bringing together foreign ministers, defense ministers, and security council secretaries from member states. While often portrayed in Russian media as an Eurasian analogue to NATO, the CSTO remains an organization heavily dependent on Russian military power. Should Moscow withdraw or reduce its support, the Organization’s relevance would likely collapse. A stark illustration of this fragility is Armenia, whose Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan will boycott the summit entirely. Russian Presidential Aide Yuri Ushakov confirmed that Armenia will not attend the session of the Collective Security Council, the CSTO’s highest governing body, though it does not object to the adoption of bloc-wide documents. According to the CSTO press service, the Council is expected to adopt a declaration outlining member states’ joint positions on current security challenges. Also on the agenda is the formal appointment of the next Secretary General for the 2026-2029 term, and the unveiling of Russia’s priorities for its upcoming presidency in 2026. President Vladimir Putin’s speech on these priorities is expected to dominate the summit. Armenia’s withdrawal highlights the CSTO’s waning cohesion, maintained largely by members' reliance on Russian security assistance, a dynamic in place since the Treaty’s inception in Tashkent on May 15, 1992. The original signatories included Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan, with Azerbaijan, Belarus, and Georgia joining in 1993. The treaty entered into force in 1994. Its central provision, Article 4, mandates collective defense: an attack on one member is considered an attack on all, obligating military and other forms of assistance in line with Article 51 of the UN Charter. In 1999, Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and Tajikistan signed a protocol extending the treaty, establishing an automatic renewal every five years. The formal CSTO was created in 2002; its charter was registered with the UN the following year, and it has held observer status at the UN General Assembly since 2004. For Armenia, the CSTO’s relevance has waned dramatically since the bloc declined to intervene during the final phase of the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis. Yerevan’s disenchantment, however, predates 2023 and stretches back to the 2021–2022 border clashes, when it also felt the organization had failed to provide meaningful support. Kazakhstan, by contrast, remains a key beneficiary: the rapid CSTO deployment in January 2022 played a central role in stabilizing the country during a period of acute domestic unrest. As the current Secretary General, Imangali Tasmagambetov - an influential figure from the “Old Kazakhstan” elite - completes his term, the position is scheduled to rotate to Taalatbek Masadykov of Kyrgyzstan. Ushakov confirmed that Tasmagambetov will deliver a final report on the Organization’s activities and security concerns before officially stepping down on January 1. Masadykov, currently Deputy Secretary General, is expected to assume the role seamlessly. While Masadykov brings diplomatic gravitas, the question remains whether he can restrain Moscow and Minsk from pushing CSTO allies toward confrontation with NATO. Tasmagambetov leaves behind a significant legacy and an...

CSTO

CSTO Working Group on Military Training and Scientific Cooperation Opens in Bishkek

A working group meeting on military training and scientific cooperation under the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) opened in Bishkek today, bringing together delegations from Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and Tajikistan to coordinate officer education, joint curricula, and research collaboration across the bloc. The two-day session runs August 21–22 under Kyrgyzstan’s 2025 chairmanship. AKIpress reported the start of proceedings and its focus on aligning training and scientific work across member states. Officials have said the agenda will center on harmonizing military-education standards, expanding joint training for specialized branches, and mapping priority research areas that can be shared among defense academies and laboratories across the alliance. Outcomes from the Bishkek meeting are expected to inform the CSTO’s rolling program of joint trainings and institutional cooperation in 2026 and beyond. Recent Track Record in Central Asia Today’s meeting builds on a stepped-up schedule of CSTO drills and staff talks in Central Asia. In September 2024, Kyrgyzstan hosted the active phase of “Interaction-2024,” “Search-2024,” and “Echelon-2024” exercises designed to synchronize command-and-control, reconnaissance, logistics, and support elements of the alliance’s collective forces. The Kyrgyz leg concluded with combined operations demonstrations and evaluation of interoperability gains. In October 2024, Tajikistan hosted “Rubezh-2024,” focused on Central Asia’s rapid-deployment forces and scenarios involving incursions by illegal armed groups, hostage rescue, and air-defense coordination. The CSTO reported that the exercise’s operational objectives were achieved and that joint tactics were refined during the active phase at the Harbmaidon range. This year, the organization also ran a strategic command-staff training for its Joint Staff and national ministries on March 17–20, 2025, rehearsing planning and coordination procedures for regional contingencies - part of the bloc’s annual joint-training cycle. Policy framework and next steps The Bishkek working group is meeting against the backdrop of decisions taken by defense ministers in Bishkek on May 28, 2025, when CSTO members approved the Plan of Military Cooperation for 2026–2030 and the Plan of joint training for 2026 - documents that set training priorities, exercise calendars, and institutional cooperation goals across the alliance. By aligning academy programs and research agendas, and pairing them with the long-term exercise plan, the CSTO is aiming to standardize specialist training (from signals and EW to logistics and UAV operations), expand exchanges among defense universities, and convert lessons from recent drills into updated curricula. As chair, Kyrgyzstan is expected to circulate agreed proposals from this week’s sessions to the Council of Defense Ministers for inclusion in the 2026 training calendar and for incorporation into the 2026–2030 cooperation framework.

Tajik-Afghan Border

CSTO to Begin Arms Supplies to the Tajik-Afghan Border in 2026

Beginning in 2026, the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) will start delivering weapons and military equipment to bolster the alliance's southern borders, particularly to reinforce the Tajik-Afghan frontier. This development was announced on May 19 by CSTO Secretary General Imangali Tasmagambetov during a meeting of the CSTO Parliamentary Assembly in Bishkek. Armed Response to Regional Threats Tasmagambetov highlighted that the initiative stems from the Targeted Inter-State Program (TIP), approved in Astana in November 2024. This program reflects the CSTO's collective resolve to address security vulnerabilities along its southern periphery. “The task now is to implement it in full,” he stated. These security issues were previously discussed during an April 2025 meeting in Dushanbe with Tajikistan’s President Emomali Rahmon. Despite regional stabilization efforts, Afghanistan continues to pose serious risks, including terrorism, arms trafficking, and the narcotics trade. Tasmagambetov emphasized, “The Taliban regime is proving to be a long-term political factor.” He noted that CSTO members, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Russia, have intensified diplomatic engagement with Afghanistan to support regional stability. The CSTO Secretariat will maintain vigilance and enhance coordination to counter emerging threats. Signs of Regional Progress In contrast to the ongoing security challenges, Tasmagambetov acknowledged promising developments in Central Asia. He pointed to the March 13 state border agreement between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, as well as the March 31 tripoint agreement involving Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan. These steps are seen as crucial in easing regional tensions. Tajik-Afghan Border a Strategic Focus Through 2029 The TIP for strengthening the Tajik-Afghan border is scheduled to be implemented in three stages and will run until 2029. Its goals include reinforcing southern Tajikistan’s military infrastructure and improving the region’s capacity to respond swiftly to cross-border threats. The program outlines measures for allied coordination, arms deliveries, and enhancements to logistics, communications, and border infrastructure.