Trade Corridors - The Times Of Central Asia

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Infrastructure finance

Opinion: Central Asia’s Shift from Silk Road Romance to Infrastructure Finance – What the June Forums Are Building

In mid-June, Tashkent and Baku will host two major international finance gatherings within the same regional window: the fifth Tashkent International Investment Forum in Uzbekistan, and the Islamic Development Bank Group’s 2026 Annual Meetings in Azerbaijan. The overlap in timing is useful less as a calendar coincidence than as a signal of how infrastructure, finance, and regional integration are now being discussed together. In Tashkent, the fifth Tashkent International Investment Forum opens under the theme “Investment Resilience: New Frontiers, New Partnerships.” In Baku, the Islamic Development Bank Group will convene delegates from its 57 member countries under the theme “Regional Integration for Sustainable Prosperity.” Add the Astana International Financial Centre’s increasingly active forum calendar, a new cross-border Islamic finance alliance signed in May among regional industry associations, and a stream of connectivity and green investment pledges from recent regional summits, and the wider region looks increasingly focused on turning connectivity talk into investment structures. The more important question is not how much money is being discussed, but what kinds of projects are becoming investable. One answer keeps surfacing: a multi-thousand-kilometer trade route that carries goods from China across Kazakhstan, over the Caspian Sea to Azerbaijan, and onward through Georgia and Türkiye to Europe. The Middle Corridor, formally known as the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route, runs through many of the investment pitches now being made across the region. The forums show how infrastructure, finance, and regional connectivity are increasingly being discussed together. The corridor is one of the clearest tests of whether that agenda can move from conference language into bankable projects. For most of the past century, the world categorized this region under two headings. One is heritage: the caravanserais and blue domes of the old Silk Road. The other is hydrocarbons: the oil and gas beneath the Caspian basin. Both cast the region as a place value came out of or once passed through. The corridor proposes something more ambitious: that value should pass through again, but this time on terms shaped by the region itself. The shift is from selling what lies underground to earning from where the region sits on the map. Freight volumes on the Middle Corridor have risen roughly fivefold over recent years, while transit times have been cut from about a month to roughly two weeks as border procedures and port operations improved. The World Bank’s benchmark study sets out the goal of tripling freight volumes and halving travel time by 2030, and regional projections now point to annual throughput of around ten million tons or more by the end of the decade. For landlocked economies long dependent on a single route to world markets, a second viable artery is less a convenience than a form of strategic insurance. But turning a route on a map into a working corridor requires serious capital. It requires expanded port capacity on the Caspian, additional vessels and ferries, rail upgrades, terminal infrastructure, and the less visible digital and customs systems that allow cargo to clear multiple borders...

Trade Corridors

Opinion: Eurasia’s New Corridors Are More Than a Transit Race

Across Eurasia, new transport corridors are usually described as instruments of rivalry: routes to bypass Russia, ports to outflank competitors, or rail links to shift influence between regions. The conflict around Iran, the rivalry between India and Pakistan, instability in the Afghanistan-Pakistan zone, crises in the Middle East, sanctions, competition over transport routes, and growing struggles for transit influence all reinforce the image of a continent divided by political contradictions. Increasingly, this is the lens through which Eurasia is viewed. The development of transport routes and connectivity is now often explained through the logic of rivalry. Some corridors are described as alternatives to others. Certain ports are positioned against competing ports. Routes are increasingly perceived as tools of competition, circumvention, or geopolitical influence. The continent can also be viewed differently. Alongside political crises, another reality is visible: the continent continues to connect itself through new routes and networks. Railways, ports, energy grids, dry ports, container corridors, digital cables, and trade chains are gradually linking spaces that only recently were seen as separate regions. In many ways, Eurasia has always been a space of movement, exchange, and connectivity. The Silk Road Was a Network, Not a Single Route A recent article by News Central Asia made a simple but important observation: the Silk Road functioned because it belonged to everyone. This idea contains one of the central lessons of Eurasian history. The Silk Road was never a single road. It was not one unified highway built according to a master plan or controlled by a single center. For centuries, the continent was connected by a vast network of caravan routes, maritime pathways, mountain passes, cities, and trade hubs through which goods, people, knowledge, and ideas circulated. Some routes gained importance while others temporarily declined. States, empires, and commercial centers changed. New pathways emerged. Yet the network itself endured. The strength of the Silk Road lay not in one route, but in the multiplicity of connections. When one corridor became unsafe, trade shifted elsewhere. When political conditions changed, commerce adapted to a new geography. The continental network remained flexible and multilayered. This offers an important lesson for today’s Eurasian space as well. Many modern transport corridors did not emerge from nothing. In many respects, they follow historical logic. Railways have replaced caravan paths, dry ports have succeeded old trade hubs, and container routes continue along directions in which goods moved for centuries. Corridors and the Logic of Rivalry Today, most transport and economic corridors are interpreted as competing projects. Nearly every new route is framed through confrontation, alternatives, or attempts to bypass another direction. The Middle Corridor is often described as an alternative to northern routes. The International North-South Transport Corridor is presented as a separate geo-economic axis. Trans-Afghan projects are portrayed as competitors to other links between Central and South Asia. Chabahar and Gwadar are depicted as rival ports. Even the South Caucasus transport hub is increasingly viewed through the prism of struggles over control of routes and flows. Yet historically,...

Economy

Kazakhstan Freezes Projects with Iran Amid Military Conflict

Kazakhstan has suspended several joint projects with Iran amid ongoing military hostilities in the country, Deputy Foreign Minister Arman Issetov has announced. The decision effectively puts on hold plans to expand trade and economic cooperation between Astana and Tehran, despite previously stated ambitions to significantly increase bilateral trade. On December 11, 2025, during the Kazakhstan-Iran business forum in Astana, Tokayev said bilateral trade had exceeded $340 million the previous year. The two sides set an initial goal of raising trade to $1 billion, with a longer-term aim of doubling that figure. However, the escalation of military activity in Iran has forced both sides to reconsider these plans. “The situation is currently very complicated. At this point, many of our projects with Iran have been frozen due to the country being in a state of war. As a result, our businesses and entrepreneurs are now in a wait-and-see position,” Issetov said. “Kazakhstan is not suffering major losses, as the volumes were relatively small and did not significantly impact the national economy. Nevertheless, given our strong partnership with Iran, there is an effect, though not a substantial one,” he added. Despite the growth in trade, Iran’s share in Kazakhstan’s foreign economic relations remains limited. According to the Ministry of National Economy, exports to Iran in 2025 amounted to $239.3 million, while imports totaled $191 million, equivalent to roughly 0.3% of the country’s total foreign trade turnover. The agricultural sector accounted for the bulk of trade: approximately 90% of Kazakhstan’s exports to Iran consisted of wheat and barley. In the first ten months of last year alone, grain shipments reached $280 million, exceeding the total agricultural trade volume for 2024 ($220 million). Government officials believe these volumes can be redirected to alternative markets if necessary. From a logistics perspective, Iran is not considered a critical transit route for Kazakhstan. This was previously confirmed by Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Economy Serik Zhumangarin. “I don’t think the conflict will have any impact on our logistics. Shipments through the Persian Gulf were never dominant for us,” he said. Despite its currently limited role, Iran had been viewed as a promising direction for the development of transport corridors. In December 2025, Tokayev announced plans to build a transport and logistics terminal at Shahid Rajaee Port, which was intended to provide direct access for Kazakh exports to global markets. Plans also included strengthening links between Kazakhstan’s ports of Aktau and Kuryk and Iran’s ports of Amirabad and Anzali, as well as integrating Bandar Abbas and Chabahar into regional logistics chains. “It is important for us to develop multimodal corridors connecting Central Asia with the Persian Gulf, and the Kazakhstan-Turkmenistan-Iran railway plays a key role in this,” Tokayev previously stated. According to his estimates, cargo traffic along this route could have doubled by 2030. For now, those plans are effectively on hold.

TCA Interviews

Kyrgyz Minister Sydykov Courts Investment in Washington

On the occasion of the annual IMF/World Bank meetings in Washington this week, the Prime Minister of Kyrgyzstan, Adylbek Kasymaliev, led a delegation to Washington D.C. for World Bank and IMF meetings, the Department of State Annual Bilateral Consultations, a meeting with Secretary of State Rubio, Deputy Secretary Landau and Under Secretary Hooker, as well as a number of other constructive dialogues and engagements with scholars, researchers, and authors. This trip marks the second high-level U.S. visit in a year, signaling Washington’s strategic interest and Kyrgyzstan’s willingness to deepen cooperation. Bakyt Sydykov, Kyrgyzstan’s Minister of Economy and Commerce, accompanied the Prime Minister. The delegation’s visit to Washington reinforces President Sadyr Japarov’s statement to President Donald Trump during the November 2025 C5+1 Summit, “I am confident that this event will provide an excellent opportunity for U.S. businesses to expand cooperation in sectors such as agriculture, e-commerce, information technology, transportation and logistics, tourism, and banking.” Following Japarov’s lead, Sydykov is actively engaging private and multilateral partners; state and Commerce meetings are meant to keep things moving and steady investor confidence. This shift towards deeper diplomatic, investment, and development ties is striking and certainly welcome in Washington. The shift reflects both an evolving Central Asian geopolitical landscape, post-Afghanistan dynamics, economic needs, diversification goals, and troubles in West Asia. Deeper engagement is also driven by ambitions to enhance regional transport and logistics integration. Kyrgyzstan’s approach departs from zero-sum logic, prioritizing win-win pragmatism and mutual gains. Minister Sydykov In an interview with The Times of Central Asia, Minister Sydykov said that this visit builds on the International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) recent official mission to Bishkek (March 18–April 1, 2026) and that “our banking sector is strong and well capitalized, as affirmed by the IMF, and we are well prepared against risk, enhancing oversight in the context of global volatility.” Commenting on the government’s fiscal management following the IMF’s guidance, Sydykov said: “To expand fiscal flexibility, we are mobilizing revenue across a range of standard taxation measures and raising expenditure efficiency with responsible internal wage policies, rationalized energy subsidies, and public investment management. We are pinpointing more prudent debt management measures, enhancing risk oversight, and rolling out tracking metrics to uphold long-term sustainability and credibility.” ⁠Looking forward, Sydykov noted that Kyrgyzstan is monitoring outlook risks related to external volatility, while also insisting that “we are working to hold down domestic inflation – always a challenge with rapid economic growth – and lower fiscal pressures. We assess that these endogenous variables remain manageable, even with increased exposure to cross-border trade and capital flows. While external volatility lies beyond our direct control, Kyrgyzstan is working with the IMF, other multilaterals, and domestic banks to maintain and build resilience. We are therefore strengthening buffers, recalibrating policies, and advancing accounting reforms to support performance and sustainable growth.” Responding to the ADB’s latest forecasts, Sydykov said Kyrgyzstan’s economy is moving toward greater stability and growth. After an 11.1% surge in 2025, growth is expected to slow to 8.9% in 2026 and 8.4%...

Kazakhstan-U.S. Relations

No Longer a Startup Market: Kazakhstan Makes Its Case to U.S. Investors

Washington D.C. - Acting on President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev’s push to convert strategic alignment with Washington into tangible commercial gains, senior Kazakh officials told U.S. investors on April 14 that the bilateral relationship is entering a deeper phase focused on energy, critical minerals, and transport infrastructure. Within that context, the country has undertaken constitutional reforms and other modernization efforts to digitize and improve the investment climate. The Kazakhstan delegation was led by Erzhan Kazykhan, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev’s Special Representative for Negotiations with the United States on priority issues of bilateral cooperation, and included National Bank Governor Timur Suleimenov and Deputy Foreign Minister Alibek Kuantyrov, who traveled to Washington for the meetings. Kazakhstan’s Ambassador to the United States, Magzhan Ilyassov, also participated. A Delivering Partner, Not a Prospective One Kazykhan presented the new commercial push as a direct outgrowth of Tokayev’s November 2025 Oval Office meeting with President Trump, casting the Kazakh leader as a partner in a more ambitious phase of U.S.-Kazakhstan relations aimed at converting political trust into practical cooperation on energy security, critical minerals, and strategic transport corridors. He placed that agenda within the framework of Kazakhstan’s participation in U.S.-backed regional diplomacy as well, pointing to Kazakhstan joining the Abraham Accords and President Trump’s broader peace initiatives. Kazykhan also highlighted Kazakhstan’s role as a founding member of the Board of Peace, noting that Tokayev signed its charter in Davos in January and participated in its inaugural meeting in Washington on February 19. Kazakhstan is positioning itself as a constructive U.S. partner not only in Eurasian connectivity and resource security, but also in Middle East stabilization through support for reconstruction, healthcare, education, and longer-term peace-building efforts. Kazakhstan is seeking to set itself apart as a partner that delivers. While many countries pitch cooperation with Washington in terms of future potential, Astana’s message is that engagement has already produced tangible commercial outcomes. Following the Oval Office meeting, 29 agreements had been signed, including with Cove Capital, Boeing, Cerberus Capital Management, and Wabtec, with a combined value of more than $17 billion. Kazykhan added that more than 600 American companies operate in Kazakhstan and that cumulative U.S. investment has exceeded $60 billion, making the United States the country’s largest foreign investor. [caption id="attachment_47222" align="aligncenter" width="1429"] Kazakhstan Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Economy Serik Zhumangarin; Special Representative for Negotiations with the United States, Erzhan Kazykhan; and Kazakhstan's Ambassador to the United States Magzhan Ilyassov meet with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio on April 15 to strengthen commercial ties and advance regional cooperation. Image: USDOS[/caption] No Longer a Startup Market Ambassador Ilyassov said the discussion was more in-depth than a typical roundtable, because the relationship with U.S. partners has matured over many years. The tone of the session matched that description. The discussion centered on specifics of expansion, supply chains, regulation, and long-term capital rather than general market entry. [caption id="attachment_47219" align="aligncenter" width="2048"] Kazakhstan’s Ambassador to the United States, Magzhan Ilyassov; image: Kazakhstan Embassy, U.S.[/caption] Unlike the rest of Central Asia,...

Iran

Central Asia Recalculates as the Iran War Enters a New Phase

Central Asia’s first response to the Iran war was public and urgent. Governments organized evacuations, welcomed a ceasefire, and watched the Strait of Hormuz because the region’s trade routes, fuel costs, and food prices were already under pressure. The next phase looks different. Following the April 12 collapse of U.S.-Iran talks in Islamabad, Washington moved to block maritime traffic entering and leaving Iranian ports. That step does not formally close Hormuz to all shipping, but it pushes the crisis into a more serious phase for any country or company still treating Iran as a viable corridor. That distinction is important in Central Asia because the region does not need a formal legal closure of Hormuz to feel the shock. It only needs insurers, banks, freight forwarders, airlines, and traders to decide that the southern option has become too risky for routine planning. That process was already underway. The route through Iran had come under strain in southern corridor traffic, food systems, and in the wider pricing of regional connectivity. A U.S. move against Iranian ports is likely to reinforce that view. Official statements across Central Asia still reflect the ceasefire moment more than the latest escalation. On April 8, Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev welcomed the truce and said he hoped it would support global trade and prosperity. Kyrgyzstan’s Foreign Ministry also welcomed the ceasefire and praised efforts to reduce tensions. Uzbekistan’s Foreign Ministry did the same, calling the truce an “important step toward de-escalating tensions,” and stressing that it should serve as a pathway to a broader political settlement. Tajikistan’s Foreign Ministry also welcomed the ceasefire agreement between Iran and the United States. Turkmenistan, meanwhile, had already taken a practical line, saying on March 4 that it was keeping all international checkpoints open and providing passage for foreign citizens, vehicles, and rail stock across the Turkmen-Iranian border. Since then, public messaging has lagged behind the latest escalation. By April 13, Qazinform’s foreign news flow had shifted to the failed Islamabad talks and Trump’s blockade order, while the latest publicly visible official positions elsewhere in the region still reflected the April 8 ceasefire. That does not mean backchannel diplomacy has stopped, but it does suggest that Central Asian governments prefer caution in public as the conflict shifts from direct strikes to pressure on shipping and trade. For the region, the economic logic is now clearer than the politics. Approximately 20% of global oil supplies and one-third of global fertilizer trade move through the Strait of Hormuz, while urea prices surged by almost 46% between February and March 2026. The World Bank’s April Europe and Central Asia Economic Update said growth in the developing economies of Europe and Central Asia is expected to slow to 2.1% in 2026, down from 2.6% in 2025, as the Middle East conflict, wider geopolitical tension, and trade fragmentation weigh on the region. Those pressures were already significant. The collapse of the main post-ceasefire diplomatic effort, followed by oil rising back above $100 a barrel, has made them harder...