• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10866 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10866 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10866 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10866 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10866 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10866 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10866 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10866 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
12 December 2025

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 21

Protecting Critical Infrastructure: Lessons from the CPC Drone Attack

The attack by naval drones on the infrastructure of the Caspian Pipeline Consortium (CPC) on 29 November was an alarming signal, not only for Kazakhstan but for the global energy sector. The temporary suspension of shipments and the shift to operating through a single remote mooring facility struck at the heart of Kazakhstan’s economy. Around 80% of Kazakhstan’s oil exports – generating roughly 40% of its export revenues – pass through the CPC, which has handled over 60 million tons of crude annually in recent years. The vulnerability of CPC infrastructure serves as a reminder of how tightly global energy security is intertwined with regional conflicts. The consortium not only carries Kazakh crude; it also plays a stabilizing role for several international stakeholders, including European refiners and multinational shareholders, such as Chevron and ExxonMobil. Any prolonged disruption would reverberate across global markets, raising transport premiums, tightening supplies in Southern Europe, and undermining confidence in the safety of trans-Eurasian energy routes. For a world already grappling with supply shocks, the Novorossiysk incident underscored how the effects from a single strike can ripple far beyond the immediate impact zone. At the same time, the incident revealed a broader and more urgent issue. Military operations are not supposed to target civilian infrastructure, particularly when it belongs to neutral third parties uninvolved in the conflict. While international humanitarian law (IHL) explicitly prohibits attacks on such facilities unless they are being used for military purposes, the reality on the ground is far less clear-cut. In contemporary conflicts, the line between civilian and military use can blur quickly, creating space for competing interpretations and contested justifications. The Legal Grey Zone of Modern Warfare Although the legal framework is clear on paper, its practical application has become increasingly strained in recent conflicts. The increasing use of drones, long-range precision munitions, and cyber tools has blurred the distinction between civilian and military infrastructure and has outpaced the mechanisms designed to protect them. Energy pipelines, ports, and terminal facilities - which once lay far from the frontlines - can now be struck at minimal cost and with limited attribution. This technological shift has opened a grey zone that existing IHL was never designed to manage, heightening the urgency for clearer norms and enforcement tools. The real challenge lies not in the absence of legal norms but in the lack of mechanisms to enforce them, particularly in cases where neutral countries’ assets become collateral damage. There is, therefore, an argument for the introduction of a new international legal framework – or supplementing existing provisions via a UN protocol – to safeguard critical infrastructure. This is especially relevant in an era of precision weapons and drone warfare, where pipelines, energy terminals, and logistics hubs increasingly fall within potential strike zones. Yet the implementation of such a framework faces complications. Under existing IHL, dual-use infrastructure, such as pipelines that may carry resources for both civilian and military use, can be deemed legitimate military targets. Ukrainian officials have justified strikes on Russian energy...

Why Attacks on the Caspian Pipeline Consortium Could Alter Kazakhstan’s Strategic Plans

Attacks on the infrastructure of the Caspian Pipeline Consortium (CPC), reduced export flows, and volatility in commodity markets are generating serious pressures for Kazakhstan. In the coming years, both the country’s financial system and its domestic political balance may face significant tests. A number of experts warn that disruptions in oil logistics via the CPC, which remains the main artery for Kazakh crude exports, could depress budget revenues, strain national companies, and worsen the sovereign outlook. Kazakhstan pumps roughly 80% of its oil exports through the CPC system, and oil revenues account for more than half of the country’s total export earnings. Because CPC Blend is Kazakhstan’s primary export-grade crude, even short interruptions can reverberate through the state budget, the National Fund, and the balance sheets of national companies. This could trigger a domino effect, destabilizing broad swathes of the economy and undermining public finances. Already, the recent rounds of disruption around Black Sea oil shipping are eroding a substantial source of tax revenue for the state. Continued Risk of Strikes Political scientist Dosym Satpaev argues that Kazakhstan may be underestimating the intensity and persistence of the conflict surrounding Ukraine. He contends that both sides in that conflict have used strikes on energy infrastructure as key tools, a tactic that will likely continue. The recent strike targeted the CPC’s single-point moorings (SPMs) at Novorossiysk, a coastal terminal on the Russian Black Sea. These offshore loading points sit in relatively shallow waters and are physically exposed, making them susceptible to the naval drones Ukraine has increasingly deployed against Russian maritime infrastructure. Although the attack officially targeted Russian facilities, the collateral implications for Kazakh oil exports were immediate. According to Satpaev, that means further risks for the CPC. The fact that Kazakhstan remains heavily dependent on this single pipeline reflects a broader failure to diversify exports and reduce reliance on raw material transit.  The vulnerability is magnified by the CPC’s ownership structure: although Kazakhstan relies on it for most of its exports, the pipeline network and the Novorossiysk terminal lie on Russian territory and operate under Russian regulatory oversight. Russia holds a majority stake in the consortium, while U.S. firms such as Chevron and Exxon also have significant shares, creating a complex web of interests that limits Astana’s room for manoeuvre. Kazakhstan has already experienced how this dependence can be leveraged. In 2022, Russian regulators repeatedly halted CPC operations over alleged “environmental violations,” moves widely interpreted as political pressure at a moment of diplomatic friction. That precedent underscores how strategic vulnerability to CPC disruptions predates the current wave of attacks. Satpaev is skeptical that alternative export routes, such as via pipelines through the Caspian Sea to Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan or transit to China, can substitute for the CPC in the near term. Given the global trend toward reduced oil demand, he believes this leaves Kazakhstan exposed to long-term structural risks.  At the same time, Satpaev views as unlikely the possibility that Ukraine would attempt to directly stop the CPC’s operations, given the broader consequences such...

Tensions Between Kazakhstan and Ukraine Rise After Oil Infrastructure Attack

Escalating Ukrainian attacks on the Russian port of Novorossiysk on the Black Sea have caused significant damage to energy infrastucture there, drawing a sharp rebuke from Kazakhstan, which relies heavily on the facility for the transhipment of oil from Kazakh fields to international markets. In response, Ukraine said it was not targeting Kazakhstan but trying to undercut “full-scale Russian aggression” as part of a campaign that has stirred concern about global oil prices and supply. An attack by “unmanned boats” on Saturday damaged a mooring device at the Caspian Pipeline Consortium’s marine terminal on Saturday, leading to the suspension of loading operations and other activities, the consortium said. While there were no casualties among its workers nor any immediate indication that oil entered Black Sea waters, some pipelines were closed and the normal resumption of oil shipments at Novorossiysk appeared to be in question because of security concerns. “Shipments at the terminal will be carried out in accordance with established rules upon cancellation of threats from unmanned surface vessels and drones,” said the consortium, which includes energy companies from Russia, Kazakhstan, the United States and several Western European countries. Kazakhstan has tried to project neutrality in the war between Russia and Ukraine, maintaining close trade and diplomatic ties with Moscow while also, on occasion, speaking in support of Ukrainian sovereignty. But Ukraine’s latest attack on Novorossiysk, aimed at weakening Russia by targeting its oil facilities nationwide, drew an uncharacteristically blunt protest from Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. “This incident marks the third act of aggression against an exclusively civilian facility whose operation is safeguarded by norms of international law. As a responsible participant of the global energy market, Kazakhstan consistently advocates for maintaining the stability and uninterrupted supply of energy resources,” the ministry said. It also said: “We view what has occurred as an action harming the bilateral relations of the Republic of Kazakhstan and Ukraine, and we expect the Ukrainian side to take effective measures to prevent similar incidents in the future.” Russian Foreign Ministry Spokeswoman Maria Zakharova also weighed in, describing the Ukrainian attack as “terrorist” and noting that “our friends in the Kazakh Ministry of Foreign Affairs” had already protested. Ukraine said it had taken into account Kazakhstan’s concerns about the pipeline consortium’s infrastructure. “We emphasize that no actions by the Ukrainian side are directed against the Republic of Kazakhstan or other third parties – all efforts of Ukraine are focused on cutting off the full-scale Russian aggression within the framework of the right to self-defense guaranteed by Article 51 of the UN Charter,” Ukraine’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said. The Ukrainian statement also noted that Kazakhstan had not condemned Russian attacks on Ukrainian civilians, residential buildings and energy systems, including nuclear power plant substations. Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. In a statement about the attack, the Caspian Pipeline Consortium said it had not been subjected to sanctions and played a significant role in “safeguarding the interests of the company's Western shareholders.”...

Uzbek Man Forced into Russian Army Pleads for Help to Return Home from Ukraine

A 31-year-old Uzbek citizen from Bukhara, Zukhriddin Yuldoshev, who was forcibly recruited into the Russian army, surrendered to Ukrainian forces almost immediately after arriving at the front. His case, reported by Nexta Live and other media outlets, highlights the growing number of Central Asian nationals being coerced into Russia’s war against Ukraine. According to Yuldoshev, Russian police planted narcotics on him and threatened him with a prison sentence of 12 to 18 years unless he signed a military contract. “I was given two choices: prison or the front,” he said. After arriving at the battlefield, he was quickly detected by a Ukrainian drone and surrendered without resistance. Yuldoshev described dire conditions within the Russian military, saying he had to purchase his own communication equipment and gear. He also spoke of widespread disarray and deception among Russian troops. “There were so many dead bodies that there was nowhere to step,” he recalled. He says he has no intention of returning to Russia and is appealing to the Uzbek government for assistance in returning home. In a June report, Ukraine’s military intelligence stated that citizens of Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and other Central Asian countries are increasingly being coerced or misled into joining the Russian war effort. Many had initially traveled to Russia as labor migrants and were later pressured into signing military contracts, often with promises of fast cash. Ukrainian officials say many of these recruits are deployed to the most dangerous sections of the front and face high casualty rates. The forced conscription of migrants has drawn increasing criticism from human rights groups, who argue the practice violates international law. Yuldoshev’s plea for repatriation places added pressure on the Uzbek government to act on behalf of its citizens caught up in Russia’s war.

Caspian Pipeline Consortium Workers Among Injured in Ukrainian Attack in Russia

Ukrainian drones struck Russia’s Black Sea port of Novorossiysk on Wednesday, killing at least two people and injuring others, including two employees of the Caspian Pipeline Consortium, according to Russian officials and the consortium.  “The attack targeted the central part of the city, near the Novorossiysk hotel,” said Veniamin Kondratyev, governor of the Krasnodar Krai region in Russia. “Preliminary information reports two dead and three injured. Five residential buildings, including apartment buildings, as well as the hotel building, were damaged.” Tass, the Russian state news agency, later reported that eight people were injured. The Caspian Pipeline Consortium, which is critical to the export of oil from Kazakhstan, said its office was damaged in what it described as a “massive” attack.   “Two company employees sustained injuries of varying severity and were transported to a medical facility. The administrative office's work is temporarily suspended, and the staff has been evacuated,” said the consortium, also known as CPC.     The drone strike also seriously injured people in the building who are not employees of the international crude oil transportation project, according to the CPC.  Russia, Kazakhstan and major international oil and gas companies participate in the CPC project, which primarily delivers crude oil from western Kazakhstan as well as Russian producers to a marine terminal at Novorossiysk. There, it is loaded onto tankers for delivery to international markets.  Ukraine has increasingly targeted Russia’s energy infrastructure with long-range drone attacks, raising concerns about the vulnerability of Kazakhstan’s oil industry to the long-running war.

Tashkent Medical University Accused of Forcing Students to Study in Russian City Reportedly Under Drone Attacks

Tashkent State Medical University (TSMU) has rejected social media allegations that its students are being forced to study in Nizhny Novgorod, Russia, a city some reports claim is “under Ukrainian drone attacks.” The university called the reports “baseless and false,” stressing that the students are enrolled in a joint degree program requiring them to complete the final two years at a partner institution abroad. Videos shared by local media this week showed students opposing the move, citing recent drone strikes in the region that reportedly killed one person and injured several others. They claimed a previous rector had promised to transfer the program to Kazakhstan, but the current rector, Shukhrat Boymuradov, reversed that decision. Students alleged they were given an ultimatum: go to Russia or take academic leave and request to finish their fifth year in Uzbekistan. TSMU said all the students in question had signed contracts under a joint education program with Privolzhsky Research Medical University (PRMU) in Nizhny Novgorod, as stipulated by Uzbekistan’s Cabinet of Ministers Resolution No. 421 of July 6, 2021. The agreement requires participants to complete their fourth and fifth years at PRMU. According to the university, PRMU runs 12 joint programs with five Uzbek universities and currently hosts more than 400 Uzbek students. To ensure suitable conditions, TSMU and PRMU agreed on dedicated dormitories, a special dean’s office to help with administrative matters, and re-enrollment opportunities for students previously expelled from PRMU. The administration dismissed claims that Nizhny Novgorod is under martial law, noting that the city hosts active academic partnerships and that no state of war has been declared there. On August 11, Boymuradov met with students and parents to discuss the program, living arrangements, and support services. TSMU reported that most students expressed readiness to continue studies at PRMU, while a minority sought to remain in Tashkent, allegedly relying on “deliberately false information.” The university warned that spreading misinformation intended to mislead the public and damage its reputation could result in legal action under Uzbek law.