• KZT/USD = 0.00213
  • TJS/USD = 0.10830
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00213
  • TJS/USD = 0.10830
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00213
  • TJS/USD = 0.10830
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00213
  • TJS/USD = 0.10830
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00213
  • TJS/USD = 0.10830
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00213
  • TJS/USD = 0.10830
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00213
  • TJS/USD = 0.10830
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00213
  • TJS/USD = 0.10830
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
07 August 2026

Viewing results 31 - 36 of 2470

Tokayev Calls for Ukraine War Freeze as Black Sea and Caspian Risks Grow

Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has called for Russia and Ukraine to freeze the war and return to negotiations, delivering one of his clearest public appeals for an end to the conflict while seated beside Russian President Vladimir Putin. "Perhaps this conflict should already be frozen and we should return to the Istanbul Formula 2.0, since significant results were achieved there," Tokayev said during talks in Omsk on July 25. He said major powers, including Russia, should provide security guarantees before the sides moved towards a lasting peace. Russia and Ukraine held talks in Istanbul soon after Russia's full-scale invasion in 2022 and resumed direct negotiations there in 2025, though neither round produced a settlement. Moscow and Kyiv dispute how close the 2022 talks came to an agreement and why they collapsed. Tokayev described the war as an "interstate conflict," and said that Kazakhstan respects the Ukrainian people, their culture and language. He also expressed concern over the deaths of young Russians and Ukrainians. Tokayev declined any formal role for Astana, but stated that he had received proposals and appeals concerning mediation, including from Europe and the United States. He said Kazakhstan was not an outsider, but that Russia was capable of resolving the issue without an intermediary. He also reaffirmed Kazakhstan's strategic partnership and allied relationship with Russia, praising what he called Putin's diplomatic flexibility during the Russian president's August 2025 meeting with U.S. President Donald Trump in Anchorage. The Kremlin rejected the idea of a freeze. Spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said it was impossible under Kyiv's current position. He repeated Moscow's claim that fighting could stop if Ukraine made what Russia considers the necessary decisions. Russia's stated terms include Ukrainian withdrawal from Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson regions, including areas Moscow does not control. Putin also wants Kyiv to renounce its aim of joining NATO. Ukraine has rejected those conditions. Tokayev's position has developed publicly, but has remained centered on negotiations. In September 2024, he said Russia was "militarily invincible" and argued that continued escalation could bring about a wider disaster. He called for hostilities to stop before negotiations moved to territorial issues. Kazakhstan has also kept its distance from several central Kremlin claims. In June 2022, Tokayev refused to recognize the Russian-backed entities in Donetsk and Luhansk, describing them as "quasi-state territories." Astana has continued to cite the UN Charter, state sovereignty, and territorial integrity. The latest appeal came as the war reached shipping routes close to Kazakhstan and disrupted the country's main oil export corridor. On July 25, Iran accused Ukraine of attacking an Iranian commercial vessel in the Caspian Sea. Tehran said an explosion killed one sailor and injured another, summoning Ukraine's chargé d'affaires and describing the strike as hostile and criminal. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky said his forces had achieved "very strong results" with long-range strikes in the Caspian, and that targets included a Russian warship and vessels used for military cargo shipments involving Iran. Zelensky did not identify the vessels, and Iran did not name...

Kazakhstan’s $5 Billion Kashagan Fine Moves Into New Legal Phase

Kazakhstan has escalated its dispute with the foreign investors behind the Kashagan oil field, warning the consortium’s managing director that he could face administrative and criminal liability over its failure to pay an environmental fine of nearly $5 billion. The warning to Giancarlo Ruiu, managing director of North Caspian Operating Company, was reported by Reuters, which cited two sources and a document it had reviewed. NCOC’s shareholders include Eni, ExxonMobil, Shell, and TotalEnergies, each with a 16.81% stake; Kazakhstan’s state-owned KazMunayGas, with 16.88%; CNPC, with 8.33%; and Inpex, with 7.56%. The dispute began after the Department of Ecology for the Atyrau Region inspected the consortium’s production facilities in 2022 and identified about ten alleged violations. Inspectors said that by November 1, 2022, more than 1.7 million metric tons of sulfur had accumulated at a storage site within the Bolashak oil and gas processing complex. NCOC’s permit allowed it to store no more than 730,000 tons. According to the environmental authorities, the operator had exceeded the permitted limit by more than twofold. In early 2023, the regional environmental department issued a notification seeking 2.356 trillion tenge in penalties, equivalent to about $5.4 billion at the exchange rate at the time. NCOC rejected the allegations and maintained that its sulfur-handling operations complied with Kazakh law and the permits issued for the project. The proceedings continued for more than three years. In August 2025, a court set aside the original notification because of procedural deficiencies in the way it had been issued. The ruling did not dismiss the environmental allegations themselves. The authorities subsequently issued a new notification, allowing the case to proceed. After further domestic proceedings, the Atyrau Regional Court upheld the penalty on June 19, allowing the ruling to enter into force. It later emerged that members of the consortium had been aware of the risk posed by the growing sulfur stockpiles for years. In 2017, Eni warned that the project was heading towards exceeding the permitted storage capacity. By late 2020, NCOC had also cautioned that Kazakhstan’s new Environmental Code, adopted the following year, would increase the risk of substantial penalties. According to internal documents reported by Bloomberg, Eni executives proposed processing more of the sulfur for sale on international markets. ExxonMobil, TotalEnergies, CNPC, and Inpex were not planning comparable measures at the time, while KazMunayGas had yet to settle on a position. On July 14, Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Justice said the domestic court ruling had entered into force and gave NCOC until July 20 to pay voluntarily. The ministry said compulsory enforcement proceedings could begin if the consortium failed to meet the deadline. NCOC did not pay by July 20. The Justice Ministry subsequently warned Ruiu of possible liability for non-compliance, marking a further escalation in a dispute that had already moved beyond the original question of sulfur storage. The consortium continued to deny wrongdoing and maintained that the penalty could not be enforced while international arbitration proceedings were under way. Its foreign shareholders are separately challenging the fine...

Kazakhstan Oil Output Falls 21% as CPC Halt More Than Halves Tengiz Production

Kazakhstan's oil and gas condensate output fell by about 21% on July 22 after the Caspian Pipeline Consortium stopped receiving Kazakh crude and suspended loadings at its Black Sea terminal. Output dropped to 1.63 million barrels per day from a July average of 2.07 million, Reuters said, citing an industry source. The sharpest reduction came at Tengiz, Kazakhstan's largest oilfield. Production fell by 56%, from an average 925,000 barrels per day in July to about 406,000 on Wednesday, reflecting how quickly a halt at Novorossiysk can force cuts at a field more than 1,500 kilometres away. Kazakhstan's Energy Ministry confirmed the reduction, stating that producers had cut output because CPC had restricted intake and their storage tanks were nearing capacity. "The adjustment was a technical measure intended to keep production operations stable," the ministry said. It added that CPC’s production facilities remained operational and could resume shipments when conditions allowed. Consultations were continuing with the consortium, producers, shipowners, and state agencies. No timetable was given. Tengiz Bears the Brunt Chevron began production from the $48 billion Future Growth Project in January 2025. The expansion was designed to add 260,000 barrels of crude per day and raise total Tengiz output to about one million barrels of oil equivalent per day at full capacity. Chevron owns 50% of Tengizchevroil, while ExxonMobil holds 25%, KazMunayGas 20%, and Lukoil 5%. The field provides a large share of Kazakhstan's oil production and export income. After the tanker ASIA was struck on July 19, Chevron told The Times of Central Asia that the crew was safe and the vessel was stable. "There has been no impact to TCO operations or exports," the company said. However, by July 22, the export halt had forced cuts at Tengiz. Chevron did not immediately comment on the new production figures cited by Reuters. The cut compounds a difficult year for the sector. Kazakhstan produced 45.7 million tonnes of oil in the first half of 2026, down 8.4% from a year earlier. The Energy Ministry still expects 98 million tonnes for the full year, after lowering its previous target because of Tengiz outages and earlier CPC disruption. Kazakhstan's OPEC+ crude quota rose to 1.608 million barrels per day for July. The national output figure includes gas condensate and cannot be compared directly with the crude allocation. The latest reduction removes barrels Kazakhstan intended to export. The timing adds to the revenue loss. Brent rose above $100 on July 23 after attacks on Saudi tankers in the Red Sea added to disruption around the Strait of Hormuz. Tanker Attacks Halt CPC Loadings The production cuts followed a series of attacks on tankers near CPC's marine terminal. The Chevron-chartered Yasa Polaris was hit on July 7 while empty and waiting offshore. Its crew was safe, and no pollution or major hull damage was reported. Nordic Zenith was struck on July 17 while empty and approaching the terminal. ASIA and NISSOS IOS were hit on July 19 while loading Kazakhstan-produced crude. Loading briefly resumed...

Huizenga Warns Kyiv Further Strikes on CPC “Will Not Be Tolerated”

The House Foreign Affairs subcommittee chair invoked nearly $200 billion in U.S. support as attacks around Kazakhstan’s principal oil-export route forced production cuts and sharpened questions about Europe’s response. Representative Bill Huizenga has warned that further strikes affecting the Caspian Pipeline Consortium terminal will not be tolerated, explicitly linking Ukraine’s obligation to protect legitimate allied energy exports with the scale of American support for Kyiv. Huizenga, a Michigan Republican who chairs the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on South and Central Asia, was asked by The Times of Central Asia what immediate diplomatic steps the administration should take to safeguard Kazakhstan’s principal oil-export route and civilian vessels carrying its crude. He responded: “The Administration must be clear with the Ukrainians: Targeting the CPC Terminal poses a risk not only to civilians, but also to US interests. Ukraine has an obligation to steer clear of any legitimate allied energy exports and infrastructure that contributes to global energy security and economic stability. The generosity of the American people, nearly $200 billion in direct support to the Government of Ukraine, is not charity. Further strikes will not be tolerated.” Huizenga was warning that U.S. support for Ukraine is not unconditional. By linking American aid to Ukraine’s duty to avoid striking allied energy infrastructure, he signaled that further attacks on vital facilities like the CPC terminal could put that support at risk. American support, as Huizenga framed it, comes with obligations. A government receiving aid on this scale cannot repeatedly disregard safeguards protecting U.S. interests, allied energy exports, and civilian shipping without jeopardizing that support. The U.S. Ukraine Oversight tracker currently lists total appropriations for Operation Atlantic Resolve and broader Ukraine assistance at $195 billion — a figure that includes military replenishment and other U.S. costs beyond direct transfers to Kyiv. Washington Had Already Drawn the Boundary Huizenga’s intervention follows two earlier warnings from the administration. In February, Ukraine’s ambassador to the United States, Olha Stefanishyna, acknowledged that the State Department had delivered a formal démarche after a Ukrainian attack on Novorossiysk affected American and Kazakh economic interests. Stefanishyna said the communication was directed at the harm caused to those interests rather than Ukraine’s campaign against Russian military and energy infrastructure more broadly. Ukraine, she said, had taken note of the message. The same distinction emerged again on July 21. The Wall Street Journal reported that the Trump administration had urged Kyiv to curb attacks on non-Russian vessels following four strikes in four days on tankers serving the CPC terminal. The warning drew a boundary around foreign commercial shipping and third-country trade without calling on Ukraine to abandon its broader campaign against Russian targets. Huizenga has now carried that position further. The State Department communicated the boundary privately in February, and the White House reiterated it in July. By invoking the scale of American assistance and warning that further strikes would not be tolerated, Huizenga made clear that continued violations could place U.S. support at risk. The latest disruption also continued after the White House...

After Bishimbayev, Kazakhstan’s Domestic Violence Laws Face an Enforcement Test

The release of Bakhytzhan Baizhanov, a cousin of former Kazakhstan Economy Minister Kuandyk Bishimbayev, following an amnesty has renewed public attention to one of the country’s most pressing social problems: domestic violence. The trial of Bishimbayev and Baizhanov attracted widespread attention in Kazakhstan and abroad. Bishimbayev was convicted of torturing and murdering his common-law wife. The proceedings were broadcast online and closely followed by journalists and the public. Bishimbayev was sentenced to 24 years in prison, while Baizhanov received a four-year sentence for concealing the crime. Amid the public outcry, Kazakhstan adopted legislation strengthening penalties for domestic violence. The legislation is commonly known as “Saltanat’s Law,” after the victim, Saltanat Nukenova. Observers say the new provisions allow tougher sanctions to be imposed on domestic abusers. However, the legislation was only a first step. Kazakhstan still needs effective mechanisms to prevent violence and better support services for victims.” The Country Followed the Trial Saltanat Nukenova died on November 9, 2023, at Bau, a restaurant inside the Gastro Center complex in Astana. Baizhanov was the director of the establishment. Bishimbayev was detained that day. An Astana court delivered its verdict on May 13, 2024. Bishimbayev was found guilty of murder committed with particular cruelty and of torture. Baizhanov was convicted of concealing the crime. Bishimbayev was sentenced to 24 years in a maximum-security prison. The court treated the fact that he had minor children as a mitigating circumstance. Aggravating circumstances included dangerous recidivism and intoxication at the time of the crime. In 2018, Bishimbayev had been sentenced to 10 years in prison for corruption offenses but was later pardoned. Baizhanov was sentenced to four years in a medium-security prison. The proceedings prompted a strong public response. Activists held demonstrations in Kazakhstan and abroad, while foreign correspondents attended the hearings. Kazakhstani and international media covered the case extensively. Public interest remains high. Many people in Kazakhstan continue to watch closely for any indication that Bishimbayev could be released before completing his sentence. Relatives of both Nukenova and Bishimbayev have also continued to make public statements. Baizhanov Disputed the Verdict Baizhanov’s early release under an amnesty has drawn mixed reactions. During the trial, he said he had not known how seriously Nukenova had been injured and denied that he was guilty of concealing the crime. His sentence had previously been reduced by one-third, and he had been expected to leave prison in November 2026. However, on July 22, his lawyer said the Stepnogorsk City Court had applied an amnesty act and ordered his immediate release. Baizhanov will remain under probation supervision following his release. He has also been placed under administrative supervision for six years. New Law, Old Problems On April 15, 2024, Kazakhstan adopted legislation amending several laws concerning women’s rights and children’s safety. Although the legislation had been drafted before Nukenova’s murder, the public attention surrounding her death and Bishimbayev’s trial led to it becoming informally known as “Saltanat’s Law.” The law expanded legal protections for women and children. Battery and the...

Resources, Capacity, Connectivity: Kazakhstan and the Critical Minerals Nexus

Kazakhstan’s place in diversified critical mineral supply chains rests on an unusual combination: a broad resource base, an established mining and metallurgical sector, and transport infrastructure extending across Eurasia. The task is to make these assets work together. Their strategic value depends on converting resources into financeable projects, existing capacity into internationally qualified products, and geographic connectivity into contractually reliable delivery. Kazakhstan approaches this task with an established industrial base. The world’s leading uranium producer, it also has production or processing capabilities in chromite and ferroalloys, titanium sponge, copper, zinc, aluminum, beryllium, molybdenum, rhenium, and other strategic materials.  Much of that base was established during the Soviet period and extends beyond mines and plants to freight rail and experienced technical personnel. These assets reduce the burden of greenfield development for projects able to use them economically. By joining the U.S.-led Pax Silica initiative in June 2026 as its first Central Asian participant, Kazakhstan brought these questions into a wider strategic setting. Pax Silica connects critical minerals and energy to an industrial agenda extending from semiconductor production to artificial-intelligence infrastructure. Membership creates an institutional opening for higher-value processing and technology cooperation. For Kazakhstan, the opportunity is to retain more value domestically through technology transfer, skilled employment, and a broader range of processed exports. From Resources to Financeable Projects Mineral abundance makes projects possible but not automatically bankable. Current drilling and internationally recognized resource statements must first establish the size, grade, and confidence level of the resource. Feasibility work must then show that it can be developed, and permits must authorize development. The project must still secure an off-taker and financing able to withstand commodity and construction risk. Predictable permitting and clear ownership help lenders assess risk. Traceability is important to lenders and buyers alike. Kazakhstan has begun to make its geological information more usable. More than 4.6 million primary geological records have been digitized. In 2025, the country also developed 20 projects for detailed 1:50,000 surveys covering 100,000 square kilometers; the government plans approximately $470 million in exploration spending during 2026–28. Digitization can open inherited records, but surveys and spending acquire commercial relevance only through completed fieldwork and usable results. Those results must then support economically recoverable reserves and financeable projects. Bankability also depends on the institutions through which capital is raised and transactions governed. The Kazakhstan Stock Exchange and Astana International Exchange give issuers access to investors. The Astana International Financial Centre operates under a legal framework based on common law and has a separate court. Parties may also agree to international arbitration. Kazatomprom’s initial public offering in London and Astana demonstrated access to global capital for a mature national producer. Glencore’s controlling stake in Kazzinc and production by Central Asia Metals at Kounrad since 2012 provide evidence of sustained foreign participation. Taken together, these cases show that Kazakhstan’s system can support substantial transactions and long-term partnerships. Still, each new venture must establish its own economics under commodity and construction risk. From Industrial Capacity to Qualified Products The OECD identifies...