• KGS/USD = 0.01152 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09168 0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01152 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09168 0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01152 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09168 0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01152 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09168 0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01152 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09168 0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01152 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09168 0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01152 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09168 0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01152 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09168 0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
05 December 2024

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 753

Kyrgyz, Tajik Delegations Finalize Border Deal After Long Dispute

Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan have fully agreed on the demarcation of their border, Kyrgyz officials said Wednesday, in a major step toward ending the conflict between the two Central Asian countries that spilled into violence as recently as 2022.  Delegations from the two nations “reached agreements and fully completed the description of the remaining sections of the Kyrgyz-Tajik state border,” Kyrgyzstan’s state-run Kabar news agency reported. It cited the press service of the Cabinet of Ministers of Kyrgyzstan. The delegation chiefs of the two sides ordered working groups to finalize documents on the border agreement, Kabar said. It published photos of the meeting in the Kyrgyz town of Batken, including an image of the delegation chiefs in military uniform and shaking hands with each other.  The Kyrgyz-Tajik border is nearly 1,000 kilometers long and the agreement followed months of negotiations over various stretches of the mountainous territory.  In 2014, the border between the two countries was closed to Kyrgyz and Tajik citizens following clashes over a bypass road in disputed territory; mortars were fired and both armies suffered casualties. Violence broke out again in 2021 and 2022, resulting in more casualties and the evacuation of more than 100,000 civilians. 

Interview: A Profile of Women’s Rights in Central Asia from Equality Now

Equality Now is an international human rights organization that uses the law to protect and promote the rights of all women and girls worldwide. The organization combines grassroots activism with legal advocacy at national, regional, and international levels, and collaborates closely with local partners to ensure governments enact and enforce laws protecting women’s and girls’ rights. The Times of Central Asia spoke with Equality Now's Eurasia consultant Janette Akhilgova about the issues that women and girls in Central Asia face, and how women's rights are being addressed. TCA: Equality Now works in all regions of the world. Which social issues and inequalities are most affecting women and girls in Central Asia at the present time?  JA: One of Equality Now’s main focuses in Central Asia is ending sexual violence and improving access to justice for survivors, specifically women and girls. In 2019, we published  “Roadblocks to Justice: How the Law is Failing Survivors of Sexual Violence in Eurasia,” examining laws on rape and other forms of sexual violence in 15 former Soviet Union countries. This report formed the basis of our work in Eurasia, helping us identify the major legal gaps in the region.  A critical legal gap is the absence of a consent-based definition of rape, which means the law does not recognize a broad range of coercive circumstances where consent cannot be genuine, willing, or voluntary. This omission leaves some forms of sexual violence unpunished, perpetuating a culture of impunity. Inadequate support systems for sexual violence survivors compound the problem, enabling miscarriages of justice and fostering a widespread lack of trust in legal systems. Another obstacle to justice for survivors is the provision for conciliation between parties in rape cases. This practice involves sexual violence survivors being encouraged or pressured to reach an agreement with their assailant outside of the formal criminal justice system. The approach often involves mediating a settlement, whether financial or otherwise, between the survivor and the accused, typically facilitated by families, communities, or even legal authorities. Conciliation is sometimes not voluntary as survivors are often subjected to societal pressure. The social stigma attached to rape, a strong culture of victim blaming, and a lack of awareness about legal procedures are also factors that contribute to sexual violence cases not being reported to authorities and instead being dealt with privately. TCA: Is progress being made to eradicate these issues? Conversely, are there any parts of life where women and girls see their rights eroded? JA: Central Asian countries have made varying progress in advancing women’s rights and welfare.  The 2022 Global Gender Gap Report highlighted significant strides by Kazakhstan, such as lifting restrictions on “banned professions” so that women are no longer legally prohibited from doing certain jobs previously deemed "too dangerous" or "unsuitable" for women. The country has also adopted new and comprehensive laws to protect women's and children’s rights.  Another progressive legal reform in Kyrgyzstan was the introduction in 2024 of a law on domestic, sexual, and gender-based violence that strengthened access to justice for...

New Fighting in Syria Throws Astana Talks Off Track

It’s called the Astana process: a long-running series of talks hosted by Kazakhstan whose stated aim is to deliver peace to conflict-torn Syria. Some Syrian opposition figures and other critics, however, have said the “guarantor” countries of the process – Iran, Russia and Türkiye – use it to promote their own political and military interests in the region. The dialogue named after the Kazakh capital, which marked its 22nd round in Astana on Nov. 11-12, was undercut on Nov. 27 when Syrian rebels launched a surprise attack against government forces and seized most of Aleppo, Syria’s second largest city, within days. The stunning operation, which reignited the civil war that began in 2011, followed several years of relative quiet during which Syria was divided into areas of factional control and foreign influence. Iran, Russia and Türkiye are talking about the Astana process as a way out of the current chaos. Visiting Türkiye on Monday, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said the negotiations format must be “preserved” and that the foreign ministers of the guarantor countries would meet soon to discuss Syria, according to Iranian state media. Multiple media reports say the meeting could take place not in Astana, but on the sidelines of a forum in Doha, Qatar on Dec. 7-8. “All agreed: NO ONE benefits from another war in Syria,” Araghchi said on the X platform. Russia, which along with Iran supports Syrian President Bashar Assad and uses its military presence there to project power in the region and beyond, has also referred to the Astana framework as a way to stabilize the situation. At the same time, Russian jets have conducted bombing runs in response to the rebel offensive, and Iran says it would consider any Syrian government request to send troops. Türkiye, on the other hand, has backed some Syrian rebel groups and blames the resurgence of fighting on Assad’s failure to engage with the opposition. Türkiye, which hosts several million Syrian refugees on its territory, has sent its own military into northern Syria and seeks to counter an autonomous Kurdish area in the northeast of the country. The talks in Astana, which is perceived as a neutral venue, started in 2017 and have included the Syrian government and some Syrian opposition groups. There is also United Nations representation. Jordan, Lebanon, and Iraq have participated as observers. The United States initially took part as an observer, but dropped out several years ago, favoring a U.N.-backed peace process in Geneva. The Astana track provided for so-called deescalation zones, though the Syrian government violated the agreement and seized some of those areas, squeezing rebels and civilians into a smaller area along the Turkish border. While important to reconciliation efforts, the Astana dialogue “has been heavily influenced by the interests and positions” of the sponsoring countries – Iran, Russia and Türkiye, author Zenonas Tziarras wrote in an analysis published in 2022 by the Peace Research Institute Oslo, a non-profit group. “As the scope of the process became wider, encompassing political and...

Amid Sanctions, China’s Xinjiang Strengthens Ties with Central Asia

China’s Xinjiang region is deepening its engagement with Pakistan and Central Asia as part of efforts to counter Western sanctions and bolster its role in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). On November 26, officials from Xinjiang met with their counterparts from Kazakhstan’s Zhetysu region for the first meeting under a new cross-border coordination mechanism. The discussions focused on cross-border tourism, infrastructure, market regulation, quarantine measures, and joint crime prevention. The meeting culminated in the signing of a memorandum on cross-border tourism. The discussions took place near the port of Khorgos, a critical hub for the China Railway Express, which connects China with Europe. Khorgos is home to China’s first cross-border cooperation center, where residents of neighboring countries can engage in business and shop visa-free. The center allows duty-free purchases of up to 8,000 yuan ($1,104) per day. Xinjiang Governor Erkin Tunyoz stressed the importance of strengthening ties with Zhetysu in areas such as trade, tourism, security, and agriculture. This cooperation is becoming increasingly crucial for Beijing as Xinjiang grapples with sanctions from the United States and other Western countries over alleged human rights abuses—a claim that China denies. Sanctions include the U.S. Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act, which prohibits imports from Xinjiang suspected of being produced using forced labor. Similar measures have been implemented by Canada, the United Kingdom, and the European Union. In addition to its collaboration with Kazakhstan, China has established a dialogue mechanism with the five Central Asian countries—Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. Since 2020, foreign ministers from these nations have met annually to discuss logistics, trade, investment, agriculture, mining, and security. Li Lifan, a Central Asia scholar at the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences, described Xinjiang as a “bridgehead” for the BRI. He highlighted the region’s rich natural resources and its role as a base for major industries, including automobile manufacturing. In 2023, trade between Xinjiang and Central Asian countries surged by 50%, reaching 283 billion yuan ($39 billion). Despite these successes, Li cautioned about future challenges. He noted uncertainties surrounding potential Western secondary sanctions, geopolitical tensions, and Russia's ongoing war in Ukraine. Additionally, U.S.-China relations remain fraught, with further unpredictability anticipated under the leadership of Donald Trump. “Full economic development may only be achievable once global tensions ease,” he said.

U.S. Sanctions Former Uzbek Officials in Orphan Abuse Case

The United States has imposed sanctions on three former officials in Uzbekistan’s government who were involved in human trafficking as well as physical and sexual violence toward orphan children. The three people, who carried out the crimes during their tenure as government employees, are now ineligible for entry into the United States and any property or entities in the U.S. that they own are “blocked” in line with the sanctions, the U.S. Department of the Treasury said Monday. American citizens are also barred from doing any transactions related to the blocked assets, it said. The sanctioned individuals were identified as Yulduz Khudaiberganova, who was director of a state-run orphanage in Urgench, in Khorezm region, at the time of the abuses; Anvar Kuryazov, who was head of the Khorezm regional justice department; and Aybek Masharipov, who was head of the district emergency department. “For at least 10 months, Khudaiberganova forced at least three underage girls to engage in sexual acts with at least six different men in exchange for funds and goods,” said the Treasury statement, which was released on the International Day for the Abolition of Slavery. “Khudaiberganova used various coercive tactics to ensure the girls’ compliance, including physical beatings, threats, starvation, and isolation from their peers. Both Masharipov and Kuryazov demanded sexual access to orphans in compensation for ‘gifts’ they provided to the orphanage. Kuryazov and Masharipov repeatedly visited the orphanage in order to prey upon the young girls,” it said. Uzbek media have previously reported on the case, saying a district court in Khorezm sentenced Khudaiberganova to five and a half years in prison, while the two men were given one and a half years of partial house arrest that barred them from leaving their homes from 10 p.m. to 6 a.m. The sentences were handed down in 2022 but an appeals court took up the case in 2023 after Nemolchi.uz, a non-governmental group that campaigns against gender-based violence, publicized the light sentences, causing a public outcry. Kuryazov and Masharipov were subsequently sentenced to three years in prison. “This was the most severe punishment given the legislation in force at the time of the crime,” Nemolchi.uz said on Telegram after the U.S. sanctions announcement. The group has pushed for tougher laws in Uzbekistan to shield children from sexual abuse, and the government has taken steps to strengthen protections.

Russia’s Strategic Posturing and Putin’s November Visit to Kazakhstan

On November 27, 2024, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s state visit to Kazakhstan underscored the complex geopolitical and security challenges facing the region. Hosted by Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev in Astana, the visit took place amidst heightened tensions following Russia’s deployment of its Oreshnik hypersonic missile in Ukraine on November 21. This escalation has reshaped the regional security environment, compelling Kazakhstan to confront potential spillover effects of the Ukraine conflict. Energy remained a central focus during the visit. Kazakhstan remains heavily reliant on oil exports through the pipeline of the Caspian Pipeline Consortium (CPC), which passes through southern Russia. This cooperation benefits Kazakhstan economically but, by tying Kazakhstan further into Russian energy networks, it further complicates Astana's efforts to balance relations with Moscow and Western powers. Following periodic closures of the CPC route on various pretexts, Kazakhstan has resolved to diversify its energy export strategy. It has increased shipments by barge across the Caspian Sea to enter the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) pipeline, which terminates on Turkey's coast in the eastern Mediterranean. One should not be surprised if ideas about the old Trans-Caspian Oil Pipeline (TCOP) project are taken out of deep storage for reanimation. The TCOP is an undersea link first discussed in the late 2000s between then-Presidents Nursultan Nazarbayev of Kazakhstan and Nicolas Sarkozy of France. It was shelved at the time because it did not seem geoeconomically necessary. Since then, relations between Russia and Kazakhstan have been complicated by the periodic CPC closures that, although they are given technical justification, appear politically motivated by Moscow to squeeze Astana. Kazakhstan's short-term solution, to increase oil shipments by barge across the Caspian Sea to Baku for insertion into the BTC pipeline, simply cannot attain the volumes necessary to provide a strategic alternative to the CPC. The BTC, at present, would be able to accommodate whatever volumes Kazakhstan would be able to transit to Azerbaijan including via a prospective TCOP, for export to world markets from Ceyhan. One would suppose that bilateral discussions also covered the possible participation of Rosatom in the construction and operation of Kazakhstan’s first nuclear power plant (NPP). However, no mention of this topic was made in public statements. Kazakhstan would prefer to escape the vise-like pressure between Russia and China on this matter. That is why Tokayev has discussed participation by the French firms Orano and EDF with France's President Emmanuel Macron. It has recently been suggested that it would be technically feasible for Kazakhstan to find a group of Western companies capable of executing the project. A Western consortium would have no reason to hesitate to include Kazatomprom in an appropriate role, not excluding capacity-building. The Russia-only and China-only options for the NPP's construction would be less welcoming to such a possibility. Kazakhstan's leadership has become properly sensitive to how energy partnerships are not just economic decisions, but strategic calculations in Central Asia's volatile geopolitical landscape. Indeed, Russia’s use of the Oreshnik missile against Ukraine has created an entirely new security situation. It has raised concerns that...