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Anti-Corruption

What Does the Arrest of a Former Top Anti-Corruption Official Signal for Kazakhstan?

On Friday, July 4, Kazakhstani media erupted with news of the arrest of Talgat Tatubayev, former head of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau, predecessor to the current Anti-Corruption Agency. Yet the significance of Tatubayev’s arrest may extend far beyond his own record. Many believe the case is the opening move in a broader probe that could ensnare Kairat Kozhamzharov, a former senator and top security official under Kazakhstan’s first president. Tatubayev’s arrest was amplified by a post from Aset Mataev, head of the KazTAG news agency and the son of Seytkazy Mataev, the current chairman of the Union of Journalists of Kazakhstan. Both father and son were previously prosecuted during Kozhamzharov’s tenure, a period marked by high-profile anti-corruption investigations, including the conviction of former economy minister Kuandyk Bishimbayev. While Kozhamzharov’s leadership was once praised for exposing major corruption cases, many in Kazakhstan’s media remained skeptical. The elder Mataev's case in particular shook the journalistic community, which saw his prosecution as politically motivated. It is widely believed that the Mataevs were targeted after refusing to sell KazTAG to allies of then-Mazhilis Speaker Nurlan Nigmatulin. “In 2016, I had two encounters with Deputy Head of the Financial Police, Talgat Tatubayev,” Aset Mataev wrote on his Telegram channel. “He offered us a deal under Article 65 of the Criminal Code, exemption from liability in exchange for a guilty plea. Others close to Nigmatulin, Yeseyev, Baybek, Zhumagaliyev, and Mailybayev took that route. We refused”. At the time, the Union of Journalists was gaining influence in the blogosphere amid growing distrust in traditional media. According to Aset Mataev, this created an opportunity for authorities to undermine the Mataevs’ reputation and isolate them professionally. Tatubayev’s damaging interview, published on Ratel.kz, appeared to many as a tool in this campaign. “He tried to intimidate us, saying, ‘We have orders, and we’ll crush you anyway,’” Mataev wrote. After Seytkazy’s arrest, Tatubayev allegedly contacted Aset from his father’s phone, urging him to stop speaking to the press. “He promised the case would be dropped. Of course, he lied. We were tortured until the verdict was handed down, while he gave interviews claiming my father admitted guilt.” Unlike Ratel.kz, which was seen as aligned with certain state actors, other outlets mentioned by Mataev allegedly served figures like Bulat Utemuratov, long considered the financial backer of former President Nursultan Nazarbayev, and Karim Massimov, who moved from prime minister to head of the National Security Committee in 2016. The Mataev prosecution sparked widespread condemnation among journalists, who viewed it as a watershed moment in Kazakhstan’s clampdown on press freedom. To this day, the Mataev case is widely believed to have been orchestrated by Nigmatulin and his political allies. Now, with Tatubayev under arrest once more, this time for alleged torture in the notorious Khorgos customs embezzlement case, some observers see the return of unfinished business from the “Old Kazakhstan.” Khorgos, a major border post linking Kazakhstan and China, was the center of large-scale corruption investigations under Kozhamzharov’s leadership. The General Prosecutor’s Office confirmed...

Drug Trafficking

Tajik Security Forces Thwart Major Cross-Border Drug Smuggling Attempt from Afghanistan

Tajik authorities have disrupted an attempt by an Afghan drug trafficking group to smuggle a significant quantity of narcotics into the country, according to the State Committee for National Security (SCNS) of Tajikistan. The operation unfolded in the Shamsiddin Shohin district of Khatlon region, where four Afghan nationals illegally crossed the border near the village of Kishty. The group, led by 50-year-old Azarkhon waladi Saidumar from Badakhshan province, aimed to transport narcotics into Tajik territory. The SCNS reported that regional security officers, working with border guards from outpost No. 5 of the Hirmandjo unit, tracked the smugglers’ movements and launched a targeted operation. When authorities attempted to apprehend the group, the traffickers opened fire. In the ensuing clash, Azarkhon and another group member, 30-year-old Rozmuhammad Azizi, were killed. The remaining two suspects escaped back across the border into Afghanistan. Security forces recovered two Kalashnikov rifles with 17 rounds of ammunition, a night vision device, a rubber boat, and three sacks containing 59 packages of narcotics. Forensic analysis confirmed the substances included over 57.5 kilograms of opium and 960 grams of methamphetamine, totaling 58.475 kilograms. Criminal proceedings have been initiated under several articles of Tajikistan’s Criminal Code, and authorities are pursuing efforts to identify and apprehend the remaining suspects. In a statement, the SCNS highlighted the critical importance of safeguarding the country's borders and urged residents in border regions to assist law enforcement. “Every citizen has a sacred duty to protect the homeland,” the SCNS said, warning that drug trafficking poses a direct threat to national health and security. The government reaffirmed its commitment to combating drug trafficking, cross-border crime, terrorism, extremism, and the illegal arms trade. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, beginning in 2026, the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) will begin delivering weapons and military equipment to its member states to strengthen the alliance’s southern frontier, with a particular focus on the Tajik-Afghan border.

Extremism

From Migrant to Militant: Uzbekistan Sentences Jihadist

A district court in Uzbekistan just sentenced a 46-year-old Uzbek citizen, Obid Saparov from Kashkadarya Province, to 16 years in prison for joining the Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP) militant group and being involved in a 2022 rocket attack on an Uzbek border city. Saparov’s involvement with Islamic militant groups predates the rocket attack by nearly a decade, and the evidence gathered by investigators offers a rare and fascinating look at this Uzbek citizen’s journey into jihadism. From Migrant Laborer to Islamic Militant The beginnings of Saparov’s radicalization are a common story for hundreds of Central Asian citizens who joined militant groups in the Middle East or Afghanistan. Saparov went to Ufa, Russia, as a migrant laborer in June 2013. He found audio and video material on the internet produced by extremist groups such as the Islamic Movement of Turkestan and the “Jihodchilar” (“Jihadists). Saparov came into contact with members of the Jihadists in Ufa and in August 2013 left Russia for Baku, and from there went to Zahedan, Iran, and in March 2014 crossed into Afghanistan and eventually reached the town of Mirali in Waziristan, Pakistan. There, according to Uzbek media reports, he joined the Islamic Movement of Turkestan. The name of this group is interesting because in a kun.uz report, it mentions that when Saparov was in Ufa, some of the extremist material he found online was based on the ideas of Tohir Yuldash. Yuldash helped found the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) terrorist organization and led the group until he was killed in a U.S. drone strike in Pakistan in August 2009. The IMU aimed to overthrow the Uzbek government and staged armed incursions into Uzbekistan in 1999 and 2000. The IMU were allies of the Taliban and were in Afghanistan when the U.S.-led military operations started in late 2001. The IMU suffered heavy losses, and the remnants of the group, including Yuldash, fled across the border into Pakistan. Ten Years of Militancy Saparov underwent training at camps in Pakistan after he arrived, and later worked in a militant “supply center.” According to the Uzbek media reports, the Islamic Movement of Turkestan splintered at the start of 2016, and Saparov joined a militant group from the Islamic State that was operating in Jalalabad, Afghanistan. The IMU was still based in Pakistan in August 2015 when its leader, Usman Ghazi, swore an oath to the Islamic State, and the IMU split. Part of the IMU followed Ghazi into Afghanistan (where most were killed in fighting in Zabul and Herat provinces), and most of the others went into northeastern Afghanistan. However, the ISKP did have a presence in Jalalabad that lasted until after the Taliban returned to power in August 2021. Uzbek investigators said Saparov joined the ISKP and was with the group from 2016 to 2024. Saparov was involved in staging attacks in Jalalabad, Kunduz, Mazar-i-Sharif, and Kabul. Saparov’s group fought against the Afghan government and foreign troops, and against the Taliban. Saparov was also engaged in...

Corruption

Former Justice Minister From ‘Old Kazakhstan’ Sentenced to Nine Years in Prison

Former Minister of Justice Marat Beketayev has been sentenced to nine years in prison with confiscation of property for crimes linked to large-scale corruption. Beketayev is widely regarded as a representative of the "Old Kazakhstan" of the first president, Nursultan Nazarbayev, a term widely used to describe officials removed from power in the wake of the January 2022 unrest and associated with systemic corruption. Verdict Handed Down The Anti-Corruption Service of Kazakhstan announced on June 30 that Beketayev was convicted of fraud, embezzlement on an especially large scale, and illegal participation in entrepreneurial activities. Details of the case remain classified. The charges were formally submitted to the court in March 2025. Beketayev served as Minister of Justice from 2016 until early 2022. Following the January unrest, he was appointed as an advisor to the Prime Minister but was quietly dismissed in December 2022, a fact that only became public knowledge in February 2023. He was detained in October 2023 while allegedly attempting to flee the country. According to investigators, he abused his office by lobbying for the interests of an affiliated company and awarding it annual contracts for unnecessary services, actions that reportedly inflicted significant financial damage on the state. Fallout from the January Events Beketayev’s dismissal came immediately after the events known in Kazakhstan as "Bloody January" (Qantar), when protests initially triggered by rising liquefied gas prices escalated into nationwide unrest. From January 3-7, 2022, major cities were engulfed in chaos. Government buildings, law enforcement agencies, and military units were attacked; 238 people were reportedly killed, including children and police officers. The worst violence occurred in Almaty, where protesters stormed the city administration, the president’s residence, and the airport. Order was restored on January 8 with the intervention of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), at the request of President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev. Open-source information and official investigations suggest the unrest was orchestrated by supporters of former president Nursultan Nazarbayev, who had stepped down in 2019 after nearly 30 years in power. In the aftermath, many high-ranking officials were removed or prosecuted. Among them was former Prime Minister and National Security Committee (KNB) Chairman Karim Massimov, who was sentenced to 18 years in prison for orchestrating what authorities describe as a coup attempt. Nazarbayev’s nephews, Samat Abish and Kairat Satybaldy, also faced charges. Abish received an eight-year suspended sentence due to his "sincere repentance," while Satybaldy, accused of economic crimes, paid approximately 700 billion tenge ($1.5 billion) in restitution and was released. The post-Qantar purge extended to numerous grassroots organizers and ordinary citizens involved in the unrest. In political discourse, the divide between Tokayev's supporters and the remnants of Nazarbayev’s influence is often described as a split between "New Kazakhstan" and "Old Kazakhstan." Beketayev’s Legacy and Links to Major Scandals Beketayev is considered an ally of Massimov and thus part of the old power structure. He was also involved in one of Kazakhstan’s most controversial international legal disputes, the case involving Moldovan businessmen Anatol and Gabriel Stati. In 2017, $22...

Human Rights

International Human Rights Defenders Demand Release of Turkmen Activist

Turkmen civil activist Murat Dushemov, who has completed a four-year prison sentence, was not released on June 14 as expected. Instead, he was transferred to a pre-trial detention facility in Turkmenabat just days before his anticipated release. Sentence Served, Yet No Freedom According to Turkmen.News, new criminal charges were filed against Dushemov following an alleged altercation with another inmate, an incident human rights defenders claim was fabricated. Dushemov asserts he was framed in a deliberate provocation: "The person who filed the complaint started hitting the wall, injuring himself, and smearing the wall with blood. They want to slander me again to prolong my stay here," he said. Human rights advocates argue the authorities are using these new accusations as a tactic to extend Dushemov's imprisonment. Retaliation for Criticism Dushemov was arrested in 2021 and sentenced to four years on charges of extortion and bodily harm. International watchdogs have consistently stated that the charges were politically motivated. Prior to his arrest, Dushemov had openly criticized the Turkmen government's COVID-19 policies, questioning the legal basis for mask mandates and mandatory vaccination, which he refused to comply with. One allegation involved the chief doctor of a medical facility, whom Dushemov allegedly blackmailed by threatening to release a compromising video. Another accusation stemmed from a supposed provocation in prison, where two inmates, allegedly encouraged by authorities, fought each other and later claimed Dushemov had assaulted them. Global Advocacy Five human rights groups, including the Norwegian Helsinki Committee, Turkmen.News, the Turkmen Human Rights Initiative, the International Partnership for Human Rights, and the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia, have issued a joint statement calling for Dushemov’s immediate release. They condemned the new charges as retaliation for his civic activism: “The authorities must drop the new criminal charges brought against civil society activist Murat Dushemov as clear retaliation for his activities and release him immediately,” they stated. The groups also urged Turkmenistan’s international partners to exert diplomatic pressure on Ashgabat to halt its persecution of activists and journalists. Human Rights Watch echoed this call, stating on June 25 that the Turkmen authorities must “immediately and unconditionally release activist Murat Dushemov and end all abuses aimed at prolonging his detention.” The case of Murat Dushemov illustrates the ongoing suppression of dissent in Turkmenistan. Despite growing international criticism, the government continues to use the criminal justice system as a tool to silence civil society.

Religious Freedom

Uzbekistan Extends Sentences for Religious Prisoners Amid Longstanding Security Fears

Two Muslim prisoners of conscience in Uzbekistan — both previously jailed for nonviolent religious activity — have had their sentences extended in recent months under charges that human rights observers describe as vague and politically motivated. While the cases have drawn criticism from international monitors, they also highlight the Uzbek government’s enduring fears over political Islam, concerns shaped by geography, history, and national security calculations. Tulkun Astanov, a 54-year-old activist originally imprisoned in 2020 for defending the rights of fellow Muslims, was sentenced to an additional three years and two months in a strict-regime labor camp this May. Authorities accused him of refusing to attend morning exercises in prison and of disobeying lawful orders. Astanov, who has suffered multiple strokes in custody, submitted a written request to be excused from physical activity on medical grounds — documentation which was reportedly dismissed by prison officials. His family and legal counsel contend the new case was fabricated to prevent his scheduled release later this year. The U.S. State Department has documented repeated concerns about his treatment in its 2022 International Religious Freedom Report. A second prisoner, Fariduddin Abduvokhidov, 30, was arrested in 2020 after participating in private Islamic study circles. He was originally given an 11-year sentence, but earlier this year, his term was extended twice: by ten years in March and an additional year in April. According to his family, the new charges relate to alleged "religious propaganda" while in detention. They say he was not fully informed of the basis of the charges and declined to appeal, citing emotional fatigue and lack of faith in the process. International monitors, including Human Rights Watch, have raised alarm about Uzbekistan’s use of vague extremism provisions to prosecute peaceful religious expression. Trials are often held behind closed doors, with little transparency or legal recourse for defendants. In both cases, court documents have not been made available to families or the public. Uzbekistan shares a 144-kilometer border with Afghanistan, where groups like the Taliban and ISIS-K remain active. During the 1990s and early 2000s, Uzbekistan suffered violent attacks from the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU), a jihadist group aligned with the Taliban and later al-Qaeda. Those experiences left a lasting impact on both policymakers and public opinion, contributing to an enduring suspicion of independent Islamic activism. Several OECD democracies, including France, Belgium, and Austria, have enacted bans on face coverings in public. While controversial, those policies were introduced through public debate and are subject to judicial review. In Uzbekistan, by contrast, the lack of independent courts, competitive elections, and free media means that state regulation of religion is rarely subject to institutional checks. Uzbekistan has made real progress in other aspects of governance. Since independence in 1991, the country has implemented reforms in public administration, economic policy, and digital infrastructure, and it is currently pursuing accession to the World Trade Organization. Engagement with the OECD and OSCE has also deepened. For many observers, Uzbekistan’s evolution will be gradual, and should be allowed to proceed...