• KZT/USD = 0.00210
  • TJS/USD = 0.10810
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00210
  • TJS/USD = 0.10810
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00210
  • TJS/USD = 0.10810
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00210
  • TJS/USD = 0.10810
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00210
  • TJS/USD = 0.10810
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00210
  • TJS/USD = 0.10810
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00210
  • TJS/USD = 0.10810
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00210
  • TJS/USD = 0.10810
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 601

Kazakhstan Amnesty Clears $48 Million in Unpaid Fines

Kazakhstan has written off unpaid administrative fines for more than 680,000 people under the country’s first administrative amnesty, Prosecutor General Berik Asylov said. The amnesty was applied to 681,700 people in 1.3 million administrative cases in less than a month, according to Asylov. The canceled fines were worth 22.8 billion tenge, or approximately $48 million. Asylov published the figures in a post on X. The measure formed part of an amnesty signed on July 1, the day Kazakhstan’s new Constitution took effect. It extended an amnesty to selected administrative offenses for the first time, alongside provisions covering criminal cases. It covered unpaid fines imposed on Kazakh citizens, individual entrepreneurs, private notaries, private bailiffs, lawyers, and legal consultants. Fines imposed by courts were excluded, along with offenses considered too serious for clemency. According to Asylov, the amnesty nevertheless applied to violations under more than 380 articles of Kazakhstan’s Code of Administrative Offenses. The Times of Central Asia previously reported that the government announced plans for Kazakhstan’s first administrative amnesty after voters approved the new Constitution in a March referendum. The authorities said at the time that it would cover offenses that did not threaten public or national security. Recipients were not required to file applications or submit documents. Kazakhstan’s unified register of administrative proceedings identified eligible cases using the criteria set out in the law, allowing the authorities to issue decisions digitally. Asylov said people were informed by text message when their fines were canceled. Related enforcement proceedings were closed and restrictions were lifted. In at least one case cited by prosecutors, an impounded vehicle was returned to its owner. The broader amnesty law has also prompted questions about whether repeated acts of clemency are being used to correct penalties that were too severe in the first place. Lawyers and rights advocates interviewed by BES.media said the measure would ease the burden on convicted and fined individuals, while some argued that frequent amnesties may point to deeper problems in legislation and judicial practice. Lawyer Dzhokhar Utebekov told the outlet that amnesties effectively soften the impact of strict criminal laws and sentencing practices. Rights advocate Yevgeny Zhovtis criticized the importance placed on repayment of damages, which can shift financial pressure onto prisoners’ families, and the exclusion of some offenses that rights groups regard as politically sensitive. Former lawmaker Abzal Kuspan disputed that interpretation, telling BES.media that an amnesty is a separate act of state clemency and does not in itself indicate shortcomings in the courts. Those concerns relate mainly to the criminal provisions of the law. The administrative amnesty followed a more straightforward process, with eligible unpaid fines canceled according to predetermined criteria rather than through a new examination of each case. The criminal amnesty could affect about 16,500 people. Around 4,500 could be released or avoid punishment, including approximately 1,500 people held in prisons or other detention facilities, while more than 10,000 could have their sentences reduced.

Tajikistan Frees Two Journalists as Press Freedom Concerns Persist

An international media rights group has welcomed the release from prison of two journalists in Tajikistan, while urging the government to free others who remain in jail. Reporters Without Borders, or RSF, said Zavkibek Saidamini and Abdusattor Pirmukhammadzoda were freed on July 18 after four years in detention. “They should never have been jailed, just like their colleagues, who must also be released,” RSF said. The two journalists were sentenced to seven years in prison in 2022 after being convicted of links to groups labeled as extremist, and were released under an amnesty law that was passed by Tajikistan’s parliament and signed by President Emomali Rahmon in June. Under the new law, thousands of people became eligible for early release or a reduction in the length of their prison sentence. Saidamini and Pirmukhammadzoda, who had denied the charges against them, spoke about their experience in jail as well as their thoughts for the future in an interview with Asia-Plus, a news agency based in Tajikistan. Saidamini, 43, said he had been suffering spine and leg problems in jail but hoped to return to journalism, working as a freelancer if state television channels are willing to hire him. “In the past, we tried to speak about shortcomings,” Saidamini told Asia-Plus. “Our only aim was to help resolve problems in one state institution or another.” Pirmukhammadzoda, who worked for many years at state radio, didn’t say whether he planned to return to journalism. In Facebook posts in 2022, he was critical of the government and the prosecution of journalists. Tajik journalists who are still in jail include Abdullo Ghurbati, Khurshed Fozilov, Rukhshona Hakimova, and Ahmad Ibrohim, according to Asia-Plus. Blogger Daler Imomali is also in detention. In April, the Committee to Protect Journalists submitted a report on what it called a significant deterioration in media freedom in Tajikistan to the United Nations Human Rights Council. It said that since 2022, nine journalists had been sentenced to jail terms of up to 20 years. In announcing the amnesty law, Tajikistan’s presidency said it “allows persons who have committed crimes to be rehabilitated, return to their families and relatives, and engage in constructive work.”

After Bishimbayev, Kazakhstan’s Domestic Violence Laws Face an Enforcement Test

The release of Bakhytzhan Baizhanov, a cousin of former Kazakhstan Economy Minister Kuandyk Bishimbayev, following an amnesty has renewed public attention to one of the country’s most pressing social problems: domestic violence. The trial of Bishimbayev and Baizhanov attracted widespread attention in Kazakhstan and abroad. Bishimbayev was convicted of torturing and murdering his common-law wife. The proceedings were broadcast online and closely followed by journalists and the public. Bishimbayev was sentenced to 24 years in prison, while Baizhanov received a four-year sentence for concealing the crime. Amid the public outcry, Kazakhstan adopted legislation strengthening penalties for domestic violence. The legislation is commonly known as “Saltanat’s Law,” after the victim, Saltanat Nukenova. Observers say the new provisions allow tougher sanctions to be imposed on domestic abusers. However, the legislation was only a first step. Kazakhstan still needs effective mechanisms to prevent violence and better support services for victims.” The Country Followed the Trial Saltanat Nukenova died on November 9, 2023, at Bau, a restaurant inside the Gastro Center complex in Astana. Baizhanov was the director of the establishment. Bishimbayev was detained that day. An Astana court delivered its verdict on May 13, 2024. Bishimbayev was found guilty of murder committed with particular cruelty and of torture. Baizhanov was convicted of concealing the crime. Bishimbayev was sentenced to 24 years in a maximum-security prison. The court treated the fact that he had minor children as a mitigating circumstance. Aggravating circumstances included dangerous recidivism and intoxication at the time of the crime. In 2018, Bishimbayev had been sentenced to 10 years in prison for corruption offenses but was later pardoned. Baizhanov was sentenced to four years in a medium-security prison. The proceedings prompted a strong public response. Activists held demonstrations in Kazakhstan and abroad, while foreign correspondents attended the hearings. Kazakhstani and international media covered the case extensively. Public interest remains high. Many people in Kazakhstan continue to watch closely for any indication that Bishimbayev could be released before completing his sentence. Relatives of both Nukenova and Bishimbayev have also continued to make public statements. Baizhanov Disputed the Verdict Baizhanov’s early release under an amnesty has drawn mixed reactions. During the trial, he said he had not known how seriously Nukenova had been injured and denied that he was guilty of concealing the crime. His sentence had previously been reduced by one-third, and he had been expected to leave prison in November 2026. However, on July 22, his lawyer said the Stepnogorsk City Court had applied an amnesty act and ordered his immediate release. Baizhanov will remain under probation supervision following his release. He has also been placed under administrative supervision for six years. New Law, Old Problems On April 15, 2024, Kazakhstan adopted legislation amending several laws concerning women’s rights and children’s safety. Although the legislation had been drafted before Nukenova’s murder, the public attention surrounding her death and Bishimbayev’s trial led to it becoming informally known as “Saltanat’s Law.” The law expanded legal protections for women and children. Battery and the...

Former Tajik Prosecutor’s Office Investigator Detained in Case of 23-Year-Old Woman’s Death

Tajikistan’s prosecutor general has confirmed that a former senior investigator is in custody in connection with the death of 23-year-old Mehrona Noibova, whose body was found near the Pyanj River in April. At a July 22 press conference, Prosecutor General Khabibullo Vokhidzoda said criminal proceedings had been opened against Firuz Saidzoda, formerly a senior investigator for especially important cases at the Prosecutor General’s Office. He said Saidzoda remained in detention while the investigation continued. The case was opened under Article 109, Part 1 of Tajikistan’s Criminal Code, a provision which covers causing a person to take or attempt to take their own life through threats, cruel treatment, or systematic humiliation. It carries a prison sentence of three to five years. The authorities have not disclosed the conduct underlying the case or the evidence gathered against Saidzoda. Noibova travelled with a group of friends to the Chorchaman resort in Darvoz district on April 3, according to local reports. She disappeared early the following morning. Her body was found on April 7 near the Pyanj River in the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region. The fast-flowing Patkunob River runs through the resort and joins the Pyanj nearby. [caption id="attachment_52664" align="aligncenter" width="1774"] The Chorchaman resort in Darvoz district[/caption] Saidzoda and another Prosecutor General’s Office employee, Davlat Arabzoda, were among those on the trip. Vokhidzoda said Arabzoda had accompanied Saidzoda as a driver on a personal journey and was not involved in Noibova’s death. Noibova’s family has challenged the account that she took her own life. In April, a family friend told Radio Ozodi that relatives were being pressed to accept that explanation and sign case documents. The allegation has not been independently verified, and the Prosecutor General’s Office did not publicly address it at the time. Vokhidzoda’s remarks provide the first official confirmation that an employee of the Prosecutor General’s Office has been detained in connection with the case. The office has not released forensic findings, explained how Noibova entered the water, or specified what alleged threats, treatment, or humiliation formed the basis of the Article 109 investigation. [caption id="attachment_52666" align="aligncenter" width="1774"] The Pyanj River on the road between Qal’ai Khumb and Shurabad; image: Stephen M. Bland[/caption] The authorities have also not announced when the investigation is expected to conclude, whether the case will be sent to trial, or which body is overseeing an inquiry involving one of the Prosecutor General’s Office’s own former investigators. No court has so far ruled on the allegation against Saidzoda. If the case reaches trial, it will enter a judicial system in which acquittals are exceptionally rare. Tajikistan recorded one acquittal in the first half of 2026, after none in 2024 or 2025. As The Times of Central Asia reported in February, acquittals have accounted for well under 1% of criminal judgments in recent years. The authorities have not disclosed whether Saidzoda has entered a plea.

Kazakhstan Police Robot Dog Raises Privacy Questions

Kazakhstan’s police used a mobile facial-recognition robot to scan crowds during Metallurgist Day celebrations in Karaganda Region, saying the machine helped identify four people sought over legal or administrative violations. The deployment extends the country’s rapidly expanding surveillance network beyond fixed cameras, allowing police databases to be accessed through a platform that can move through crowded public spaces. The four-legged robot was used during celebrations held on July 17-18 in the industrial cities of Balkhash and Temirtau, which attracted more than 115,000 visitors. More than 1,000 police officers were also deployed to maintain public order, according to the Karaganda police. Robot dogs equipped with facial-recognition cameras have also been deployed at Astana’s railway stations in January, and by police in Aktau since May. Karaganda's robodog carries surveillance cameras and is connected to police databases. Authorities say it can scan faces within its field of view and compare them with records of people sought by law enforcement. Its main advantage over a fixed facial-recognition camera is mobility. During the earlier trial at Astana’s Nurly Zhol railway station, a robot moved through waiting rooms, escalators, and other public areas while transmitting live video to a police command center. The system was also able to compare images with police wanted lists and broadcast warnings through an onboard speaker. Police said the Karaganda robot helped identify one person wanted for evading child support payments, two people owing debts under enforcement proceedings, and a previously convicted man who had breached a court order requiring him to remain at home during specified hours. Officers took legal measures against all four. The authorities did not explain how the facial-recognition matches were verified by officers, how many false alerts the system generated, or how many people were scanned before the four matches were produced. The robot dog forms part of a much larger surveillance system operating across Kazakhstan. The country has approximately 1.6 million surveillance cameras, according to figures provided by the Interior Ministry to the independent outlet Vlast.kz. Around 545,000 are connected to police command centers, while more than 24,000 use artificial intelligence capable of recognizing faces. Vlast’s investigation found that Kazakhstan’s surveillance infrastructure has expanded rapidly, with facial recognition, biometric identification, and networked cameras becoming central elements of the government’s smart-city programs. Supporters argue that such systems can help police locate wanted people and respond more quickly to emergencies. Critics warn that the same infrastructure can be used to track activists, protesters, and other members of the public. Kazakhstan-based digital-rights specialists have called for tighter safeguards governing facial recognition. The Eurasian Digital Foundation has recommended restrictions on mass and indiscriminate surveillance, alongside greater transparency and clearer rules on how government agencies process biometric information. The organization has also argued that Kazakhstan needs stronger independent oversight of the collection, storage, and use of biometric data, as well as procedures allowing people to challenge the processing of their information by law enforcement agencies. The Interior Ministry’s account of the Karaganda deployment did not disclose the cost or the manufacturer of...

A Signal from Uzbekistan: How Turkmen Border Villages Reach the Outside World

In Diýýar, a village in northern Turkmenistan close enough to catch Uzbekistan’s mobile signal, a foreign SIM card inserted into a small Wi-Fi router can turn a barely functioning 2G connection into usable home internet. In early July, police reportedly entered around ten households in the village, identified Uzbek-connected routers, and confiscated the SIM cards. Similar inspections have been under way across close to 60 settlements in Dashoguz Province, according to Radio Azatlyk, the Turkmen Service of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. The campaign covers parts of Shabat and Görogly districts, including Kirov, Diýýar, Bedirkent, Aýlak, and Nyýazow, in areas where Uzbek mobile signals cross the border. The Internet Across the Border What the authorities are removing is more than a foreign phone number. Residents told Radio Azatlyk that Turkmen Telecom internet is either unavailable or extremely slow in several border villages. TMCell, the mobile brand operated by the state-owned Altyn Asyr network, often provides only 2G service, while home Wi-Fi is unavailable. Households able to obtain an Uzbek SIM card use networks such as Ucell and Uztelecom, placing the card in a router that supplies internet throughout the home. Residents said YouTube and Instagram become accessible through these connections, although TikTok and many foreign websites still require a VPN. One resident described the Uzbek service as “300 times” faster than the Turkmen alternative, a personal estimate rather than a measured comparison. The cards arrive through an informal chain of traders and other residents who regularly cross into Uzbekistan. A Dashoguz source said they sell for around 200 manats and that sellers also help buyers complete the registration. The arrangement depends on geography, personal contacts, and a signal strong enough to reach across the frontier. One local source said many people from Dashoguz work abroad, including in Russia, Poland, and Germany. For households with relatives overseas, a usable connection can provide a direct link beyond the village. It also opens independent news sites and social platforms that remain blocked or unreliable on Turkmen networks. Residents confronted by police sometimes say they use the internet only to pass the time, reportedly hoping to avoid a fine. A Signal Treated as Suspicion The reported consequences vary. Some first-time offenders receive a warning, particularly when they cannot afford a penalty. Others are threatened with fines of up to 50,000 manats or imprisonment. That amount is about $14,300 at Turkmenistan’s official exchange rate and roughly $2,500 using the widely reported informal rate. Residents said officers described the use of foreign telecommunications services as possible espionage on behalf of another country. The reports cite no court case or published provision under which simply possessing an Uzbek SIM card constitutes espionage. The threat itself, however, raises the stakes around an ordinary household connection. Police and security officers reportedly do not use specialist equipment to locate the routers. Local sources said they rely instead on informants in villages, schools, and local administrations. They allegedly gather information through schoolchildren as well. Residents who travel regularly to Uzbekistan, including small...