• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10822 -0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10822 -0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10822 -0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10822 -0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10822 -0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10822 -0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10822 -0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10822 -0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
18 December 2025

Viewing results 97 - 102 of 575

Is Central Asia China’s Backdoor to Global Power?

As Russia remains preoccupied with the war in Ukraine and the United States is focused on the ongoing Israel-Iran conflict, China is seeking to increase its presence in Central Asia. In the current circumstances, the European Union and Beijing appear to be the most active players in the strategically important region; but who is in a better position? Central Asia has become a region where various foreign powers are competing for influence. On June 5, New Delhi hosted the 4th India-Central Asia Dialogue, during which the foreign ministers of the regional nations, along with their Indian counterpart, Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, discussed anti-terrorism cooperation amid rising regional extremism. Earlier, on April 3–4, the European Union sought to expand its ties with the region through the EU–Central Asia Summit format. Given China’s extensive economic cooperation with Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan, it is unsurprising that Beijing is seeking to strengthen its strategic influence in the region. The 2nd China-Central Asia Summit, taking in Astana on June 16-17, is yet another opportunity for Beijing to demonstrate that it has the capacity to position itself as an alternative to the growing European presence in the region. According to Dr. Habib Al-Badawi, Professor of International Relations at the Lebanese University, China is also aiming to limit the influence of other powers in the region – especially the United States, and to a lesser extent, Russia. “Moscow appears to accept China's growing economic dominance while trying to maintain its traditional security role. However, Beijing's expanding presence represents a long-term challenge to Russia's historical sphere of influence in the region,” Dr. Al-Badawi told The Times of Central Asia, emphasizing that Moscow and Beijing are more inclined to cooperate rather than compete in the region. Mark N. V. Temnycky, a Nonresident Fellow at the Atlantic Council’s Eurasia Center, believes that Moscow is showing a high degree of tolerance toward Beijing’s increased economic, energy, and security presence in Central Asia. Both countries, in his view, share similar objectives in the region, where they act as major trading partners and energy suppliers. The European Union seems to be their major rival in the Central Asia. In Dr. Al-Badawi’s view, unlike the EU that is “solely pursuing the region’s critical minerals,” China appears focused on broader economic integration through infrastructure development and trade partnerships. Dr. Tugrul Keskin, Professor at Cappadocia University and Moderator of Global China Academic Network, seems to share this view. “Beijing’s objectives in Central Asia are driven by a blend of strategic, economic, and security imperatives. While access to critical minerals – including rare earth elements vital for green technologies – is an emerging interest, it is not the primary driver. Unlike the European Union, whose recent engagement has focused heavily on securing raw materials, China’s approach is more comprehensive. It aims to shape the region’s long-term political alignments and economic structures in ways that favor Chinese leadership and diminish Western influence,” Dr. Keskin told The Times of Central Asia. At the same time, Beijing is actively increasing...

Central Asia Unites: Evacuations Amid Middle East Turmoil

As hostilities between Israel and Iran escalate in the Middle East, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan,  and Uzbekistan have initiated a comprehensive evacuation of their citizens from high-risk areas, drawing on regional cooperation and humanitarian assistance to ensure their safe return. Regional Support in Evacuation Efforts Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan have stepped in to aid the Central Asian nations' evacuation operations, providing transit routes and logistical support. At the Astara border checkpoint, six Kazakh citizens crossed from Iran into Azerbaijan, where they were offered medical assistance and meals before continuing their journeys. Turkmenistan has also facilitated the safe passage of approximately 120 evacuees, including citizens of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Romania, through its border checkpoints with Iran. Turkmenistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs confirmed that foreign diplomats and their families were recently evacuated from Iran through Turkmenistan. The country provided comprehensive humanitarian assistance to the evacuees, offering transportation, food, accommodation, and essential supplies. Turkmenistan’s authorities highlighted that the operation was carried out in close cooperation with foreign embassies and international organizations, reflecting its commitment to humanitarian values, international cooperation, and good neighborly relations, particularly during the “Year of Peace and Trust,” as declared by the United Nations General Assembly at Turkmenistan’s initiative. Uzbekistan has evacuated over 30 citizens of its citizens from Iran via Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan, according to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. “All necessary measures are being taken to ensure the safety of our citizens. The embassies of Uzbekistan in Iran and Israel are operating around the clock,” the ministry stated. Kyrgyzstan has also successfully evacuated 28 of its citizens from Iran via Azerbaijan. "Currently, the necessary assistance is being provided to facilitate the swift return of the evacuees from Azerbaijan to Kyrgyzstan," a Foreign Ministry official stated. Flight Bans and Alternative Routes Kazakhstan’s Civil Aviation Committee has meanwhile implemented a full ban on flights over or near the airspace of Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria following intensified airstrikes in the region. This decision disrupted flights for hundreds of Kazakh travelers, particularly those in the United Arab Emirates and other Middle Eastern nations. To address the situation, alternative evacuation routes were established. On June 15, two FlyDubai flights arrived in Almaty, carrying a total of 332 Kazakh citizens. These flights included passengers initially stranded after the airspace ban and others who had been scheduled to depart after the interruption. Following rerouting operations, airlines such as Air Astana and FlyArystan have warned of disruptions to flights to and from the Gulf and North Africa. Passengers have been advised to check schedules in advance and to expect delays. Mirziyoyev Addresses the Conflict’s Impact The conflict between Israel and Iran has raised serious concerns across Central Asia. Speaking during a government meeting held via videoconference, Uzbekistan’s President Mirziyoyev warned that the hostilities could negatively impact newly developing trade and transport routes in the region. The growing conflict will “have an impact not only on the Middle East, but also on our region. If the escalation continues, trade relations and logistics routes that are...

Opinion: From Xi’an to Astana – Elevating China–Central Asia Cooperation to a New Height

As summer awakens the vibrant landscapes of Kazakhstan, with lilac blossoms aglow and the Ishim River meandering through the capital, Astana is once again at the center of regional diplomacy. From June 16 to 18, Chinese President Xi Jinping will visit Kazakhstan to attend the Second China–Central Asia Summit — an event of both symbolic weight and strategic substance. This year’s summit marks more than a diplomatic gathering — it signifies the maturing of a young but increasingly impactful multilateral framework born from centuries-old ties. From the ancient Silk Road to today’s modern infrastructure corridors, the five Central Asian nations and China are deepening a relationship rooted in trust, driven by mutual benefit, and destined to shape the region’s collective future. Ancient Friendship, Strategic Renewal More than 2,100 years ago, Chinese envoy Zhang Qian opened the first pathway to Central Asia, laying the groundwork for millennia of exchange. In 2013, standing in Kazakhstan, President Xi unveiled the Silk Road Economic Belt, the founding vision of what would become the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), reviving the spirit of the ancient Silk Road for a new era. Since then, cooperation between China and Central Asia has grown from historical affinity into a full-spectrum partnership. Over the past decade, this partnership has reached “three completions”: the full establishment of comprehensive strategic partnerships between China and all five Central Asian countries, full coverage of BRI cooperation documents, and full alignment with the concept of a shared future for humanity. These milestones demonstrate not just diplomatic intent but a shared strategic outlook that has withstood global uncertainties. As Xi noted, the decision to deepen China–Central Asia cooperation is not a product of convenience, but a generational choice made by leaders with long-term vision, responding to the will of their peoples and the imperatives of regional stability. Tangible Results: A Shared Path to Modernization Since the launch of the China–Central Asia mechanism in 2020, progress has accelerated. The elevation of this platform to the leaders’ level in 2023 during the Xi’an Summit underscored its growing relevance. From the Xi’an Declaration to the establishment of a permanent secretariat, institutional foundations are now firmly in place. More importantly, the mechanism is delivering real results. Trade between China and the five Central Asian states reached a record $94.8 billion in 2024, a $5.4 billion increase from the previous year. New cooperation structures in transport, agriculture, customs, and emergency management are enabling efficient multilateral coordination. A flagship example is the China–Kyrgyzstan–Uzbekistan railway, now under active construction, marking a milestone in physical connectivity. This long-anticipated project, personally championed by the three heads of state, will reshape regional logistics and unlock new trade routes across Eurasia. Beyond rail, a web of cooperation is forming: the high-functioning Khorgos Gateway and the newly launched Kazakhstan Xi’an Terminal, increased Caspian Sea corridor traffic, and regularized freight trains between China and Central Asia. These are not mere infrastructure projects — they are lifelines of mutual development. Kazakhstan, in particular, is actively reinforcing its role as...

Kyrgyzstan Seeks Clarity from U.S. on Possible Travel Restrictions

Kyrgyzstan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs says it plans to summon the top diplomat at the U.S. Embassy to clarify whether and on what grounds the United States will impose restrictions on Kyrgyz nationals seeking to enter the country. In a statement released on Sunday, the ministry responded to a U.S. media report that Kyrgyzstan might be in a group of countries whose citizens could be subject to restrictions and bans similar to those imposed on Turkmenistan and other nations earlier this month. “Today, the United States continues to review immigration laws aimed at ensuring security and regulating the entry of foreign citizens into the country. At present, there has been no official information from the United States regarding the introduction of any restrictions on citizens of the Kyrgyz Republic,” the ministry said. “According to information published in The Washington Post, it remains unclear to the Kyrgyz Republic what criteria will be used to compile the list of countries whose citizens may be subject to restrictions,” it said. On Saturday, The Washington Post reported that the U.S. “is considering restricting entry to citizens of an additional 36 countries in what would be a significant expansion of the travel ban announced by the Trump administration early this month,” which had affected 19 countries, including Turkmenistan. The newspaper cited a State Department memo that it said set a 60-day deadline for the targeted countries to meet “certain requirements” or face a full or partial entry ban. Countries might be added to the restricted list for failing to meet U.S. benchmarks on identity documentation, government cooperation, visa overstays, or for issues like fraud, citizenship-for-investment programs, or other security and cooperation concerns. “Among the new list of countries that could face visa bans or other restrictions are 25 African countries, including significant U.S. partners such as Egypt and Djibouti, plus countries in the Caribbean, Central Asia, and several Pacific Island nations,” the newspaper reported. Kyrgyzstan said it plans to summon the chief U.S. diplomat in Bishkek “to provide an official explanation on these issues.” Lesslie Viguerie, a career diplomat and former deputy assistant secretary of state for Central Asia and Pakistan affairs, is the U.S. ambassador in Kyrgyzstan. Turkmenistan is among seven countries whose citizens face partial restrictions on travel to the United States, such as not being able to move permanently to the U.S. or get tourist and student visas. Nationals from another 12 countries face a full travel ban, subject to case-by-case waivers and other exceptions. The U.S. measures are part of the Trump administration's broader policy to address immigration and manage the entry of foreign nationals. Trump emphasized immigration policies during his campaign for a second presidential term, stating that stricter measures were aimed at enhancing national security. These policies have faced legal challenges and public criticism, with some cities experiencing protests following actions by agents conducting immigration enforcement operations.

Opinion: The Engine of Turkic Integration – Why TURKPA Is No Longer “Just Talk”

On June 12, in Astana, the 14th Plenary Session of the Parliamentary Assembly of Turkic States (TURKPA) was held under the theme: TURKTIME: The Role of Parliamentary Diplomacy. TURKPA has existed since 2008, but it is only now that the multifaceted activities of Turkic states are drawing close attention from external observers, first and foremost, from Russia. This is unsurprising since the driving forces behind Turkic initiatives are often Ankara and Astana. While Turkey promotes its national interests, Kazakhstan appears to play both of its powerful neighbors, Russia and China, against each other. Moscow, at times, does not hide its ire, hinting that its influence over Astana is diminishing in favor of Beijing. Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev skillfully engages with China, securing benefits such as investments and a visa-free regime, which gives Kazakhstani carriers an advantage over their Russian and regional competitors. TURKPA was officially founded a year before its 'sister' organization, the Organization of Turkic States, was established. The first proposal to create TURKPA was made by Kazakhstan’s President Nursultan Nazarbayev at the 8th Summit of Turkic Heads of States in November 2006. Interestingly, TURKPA is also listed on the website of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), although it includes Turkey, a country outside the CIS and a geopolitical rival to Russia, which dominates the organization. Equally interesting is the composition of TURKPA and its governance structure. Its full members comprise Turkey, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, and Kyrgyzstan, whilst Hungary and Turkmenistan are observers. The day-to-day operations of the organization are managed by a Secretariat headquartered in Baku, and the Secretary General of TURKPA is always an Azerbaijani citizen. Strategic direction is provided through annual plenary sessions, which are presided over by the Speaker of Parliament of the country currently holding the Chair. “The chairmanship rotates annually in alphabetical order according to the Latin alphabet,” explained Kazakh MP Aigul Kuspan. This brings us to a curious contradiction that nobody focuses much upon. It is believed that Azerbaijan is Turkey’s proxy state in the South Caucasus and Central Asia. At the same time, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, to a lesser or greater degree, pursue a Russian policy in the region. As explained, in recent years Kazakhstan has also gravitated toward promoting Chinese interests. Thus, in practice, Turkey leads TURKPA through its own presidency and via Azerbaijan for two out of every four years, while Russia/China exert influence through Kazakh and Kyrgyz speakers in the other two. In theory, this tug-of-war could have rendered both TURKPA and the OTS, where geopolitical tensions are similar, meaningless forums for routine summits. That was true until recently; however, now we observe a growing geopolitical subjectivity in Central Asia and a reorientation toward its own interests. Therefore, OTS summits and TURKPA plenaries have become more purposeful. This is demonstrated by the words of President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, who met with delegates of the 14th Plenary Session of the Parliamentary Assembly of Turkic States. “Last year, Kazakhstan chaired the Organization of Turkic States. Under the motto 'TURKTIME', we implemented...

The Ripple Effects of the Israel-Iran Conflict on Central Asia

The Israel-Iran conflict has escalated dramatically, with Israel launching large-scale strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities and military targets, including the killing of top Iranian commanders and nuclear scientists. Characterizing these attacks as a “declaration of war,” Iran has retaliated by deploying approximately 100 drones toward Israeli territory, which have been intercepted. The strikes, part of Israel's "Operation Rising Lion," aim to neutralize what it perceives as an existential threat from Iran's nuclear ambitions. The situation has triggered reactions globally, with heightened tensions and calls for de-escalation. Meanwhile, in an interview with ABC News, U.S. President Trump called the strikes "excellent" and vowed there was "more to come. A lot more." The rapidly escalating conflict between Israel and Iran will undoubtedly exert a tangible influence on Central Asia, a region that shares both historical and geographic proximity to Iran. Turkmenistan, which directly borders Iran, is at the forefront, demonstrating how Central Asia sits strategically within a broader landscape of global power struggles. Geopolitical Tensions Within Reach Central Asia’s geographic and political ties to Iran make the region a key area of influence for Tehran. Iran’s relationship with Turkmenistan, grounded in a shared border and energy cooperation, highlights its immediate relevance. Turkmenistan and Iran collaborate on trade and natural gas exports, ensuring intertwined economies. However, these connections make Central Asia exposed to the consequences of Tehran’s ambitions, particularly as tensions with Israel spill over. Israel, meanwhile, has been steadily cultivating its influence in the region through strategic partnerships. Its strong alliance with Azerbaijan, Iran’s neighboring competitor to the north, has allowed Israel to counter Tehran’s reach. Additionally, Israel has deepened ties with Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, offering expertise in cutting-edge technologies in agriculture, water-saving technologies, defense, and cybersecurity. This influence balances Iran’s predominance but risks elevating the regional stakes should the conflict further intensify. The nations of Central Asia are navigating a multitude of competing external pressures close to home, relying on multi-vector diplomacy to manage relationships with Iran, Israel, Russia, China, and the West. Economic Interdependence and Vulnerabilities Central Asia’s landlocked geography makes trade routes essential, with Iran serving as a critical gateway to global markets. The Bandar Abbas port facilitates the export of Central Asian goods, particularly for Turkmenistan. In January, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Russia, and Iran reaffirmed their commitment to increasing cargo transportation along the North-South transport corridor. However, sanctions on Tehran and the conflict's unpredictability cast uncertainty over these vital corridors. The Chabahar port, developed in partnership with India, is another crucial lifeline for trade. Unlike Pakistan's China-aligned Gwadar port, Chabahar links Central Asia to the Indian Ocean, offering a more stable and independent trade route. For nations like Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, the port diversifies transit options and reduces reliance on routes controlled by Russia or China. Social Dynamics and Security Challenges Culturally and religiously, Sunni-majority countries like Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan remain alert to both Iranian propaganda and organizations like Hamas, which are considered destabilizing actors. Governments actively look to suppress rhetoric or movements that could spark unrest, prioritizing...