• KGS/USD = 0.01146 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09316 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01146 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09316 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01146 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09316 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01146 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09316 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01146 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09316 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01146 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09316 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01146 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09316 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01146 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09316 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 -0.14%

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Essential but Unwelcome: Central Asian Migrants in Russia

The Crocus City Hall terrorist attack in Moscow on March 22, 2024 triggered strong anti-migrant sentiment in Russian society. Since then, the nation’s authorities have been imposing stricter migration rules. But how does this impact millions of Central Asian labor migrants and their families living and working in Russia? Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Russia became a major destination for migrant workers from Central Asia. According to the official Russian statistics, there are currently almost four million citizens of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan living in Russia, along with approximately 670,000 illegal migrants. Rosstat (the Federal State Statistics Service of the Russian Federation) reports that 260,400 migrants arrived in Russia from January to July this year, with 60% (about 156,200) coming from Central Asian countries. The majority of them are citizens of Tajikistan. In 2023, over one million Tajiks have moved to Russia in search of work. With a large community of its citizens in Russia, the Tajik government seems to be working to not only improve their legal status in the Russian Federation, but also to coordinate some of their actions, particularly in the field of culture. On April 9, in Dushanbe, a meeting took place between Tajikistan’s Minister of Labor, Migration, and Employment of the Population, Solekhi Kholmakhmadzoda, and leaders and activists of the Tajik diaspora living in Russia. Tajikistan initiated the summit after Russia began testing migrant children on their knowledge of the Russian language before admitting them to school. Starting April 1, a law came into effect that prevents Russian schools from enrolling migrant children who do not speak Russian or are in Russia illegally. This measure is just the tip of the iceberg in the Kremlin’s plans to regulate the migrant issue in the country. Alexey Nechaev, the leader of the New People party – one of the handful of the so-called systemic opposition parties in Russia – said on March 19 that “artificial intelligence should be made a new tool for monitoring migrants… It is unfair that Russian citizens are digitized from head to toe, while migrants continue to live with paper documents without any problems,” Nechaev stressed, pointing out that monitoring migrants’ activities through AI could “help keep a closer eye on what foreigners are doing and make it easier to track illegal money flows.” Last year, the Liberal Democratic Party – another ‘systemic opposition’ group – proposed restricting the rights of migrant workers to bring their families into Russia. This initiative raised concerns in neighboring Kazakhstan. The ambassador of the largest Central Asian nation expressed unease to Moscow about such ambitions, referring to the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), the foundation of which, as he highlighted, is based on ensuring the four freedoms – the movement of goods, services, capital, and labor. Russian reports, however, claim that, as a result of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan’s membership in the EAEU, their citizens living in Russia have a much better status than those from other Central Asian states. Despite that, on...

China and Russia Remain Kyrgyzstan’s Largest Foreign Investors

The National Statistical Committee of Kyrgyzstan has released updated figures on foreign direct investment (FDI), revealing that China and Russia remained the country’s largest investors in 2024. According to the data published on April 15, Kyrgyzstan received $872.6 million in FDI in 2024, marking an increase from $844.9 million in 2023. China accounted for 23.9% of total FDI, followed by Russia with 22.7%, Turkey (10.2%), Luxembourg (8.8%), Kazakhstan (5.7%), the Netherlands (4.9%), and Azerbaijan (3.4%). The remaining 20.4% came from a mix of other countries. Compared to the previous year, Kyrgyzstan saw increased investment from Azerbaijan, Luxembourg, Germany, Turkey, the Netherlands, and Russia, while inflows from the UK, UAE, Kazakhstan, and China declined. Sector Breakdown The manufacturing sector attracted the largest share of foreign investment, receiving 33.2% of total FDI. This was followed by the financial sector (20.6%), wholesale and retail trade (18.7%), the mining industry (11.3%), and geological exploration (8.3%). Sharp Rise in Overall Investment The total volume of investments in fixed assets from all sources in the first quarter of 2025 reached 56.8 billion Kyrgyz som, reflecting a 90.6% increase year-on-year. This marks a significant acceleration compared to the 63.9% growth recorded during the same period in 2024. Officials attribute the sharp rise primarily to a 2.1-fold increase in domestic financing, while the volume of foreign investment in fixed assets during the same period decreased by 1.5 times compared to the first quarter of 2024.

Afghanistan and Central Asia: Pragmatism Instead of Illusions

“When the winds of change blow, some build walls, others build windmills.” — Chinese proverb Afghanistan remains one of the most complex and controversial spots on the map of Eurasia. After the Taliban came to power in 2021, it seemed the countries of Central Asia were faced with a choice: to distance themselves from the new regime or cautiously engage with it. However, it appears they have chosen a third path - pragmatic cooperation free from political intentions. Today, a window of opportunity is opening for the Central Asian states to reconsider their relationship with Afghanistan, not as a buffer zone or a source of instability, but as a potential element of a new regional architecture. At the same time, these countries are in no hurry to establish close political ties with Kabul. They avoid making declarations about "integrating" Afghanistan into Central Asia as a geopolitical region. Instead, the focus is on practical, rather than political or ideological, cooperation in areas such as transportation, trade, energy, food security, and humanitarian engagement. This pragmatic approach is shaping a new style of regional diplomacy, which is restrained yet determined. Against this backdrop, two key questions emerge: What role can Afghanistan play in regional development scenarios, and what steps are needed to minimize risks and maximize mutual benefit? Afghanistan After 2021: Between Stability and Dependency Since the end of the war and the Taliban’s return to power, Afghanistan has experienced a degree of relative order. However, the country remains economically and institutionally dependent on external assistance. Historically, Afghanistan has survived through subsidies and involvement in external conflicts, from the “Great Game” to the fight against international terrorism. Today, new actors, such as China, Russia, India, Turkey, and the Arab states, are stepping onto the stage alongside Russia, the United States, and the broader West. In the context of current geopolitical realities after the fall of its “democratic” regime, Afghanistan has found itself in a gap between the experiences of the past and a yet undetermined future. It has a unique opportunity to transcend its reputation as the “graveyard of empires” and determine its fate while simultaneously integrating into the international community. How the de facto authorities in Afghanistan handle this opportunity will not only shape the Afghan people's and the region's future but also influence the development of the entire global security paradigm. In parallel, the countries of Central Asian are building bilateral relations with Kabul on strictly pragmatic terms: participation in infrastructure and energy projects, food supply, and humanitarian aid. All of these steps have been taken without political commitments and without recognizing the regime. [caption id="attachment_30841" align="aligncenter" width="1062"] The border between Afghanistan and Tajikistan near Khorog, GBAO; image: TCA, Stephen M. Bland[/caption] Geo-Economics and Logistics: Afghanistan as a Strategic Hub The regional reality in Central Asia is increasingly taking on a geo-economic dimension. The region is not only an arena for the interests of external powers but also a zone for developing transport, logistics, and energy networks in which Afghanistan is playing an...

Central Asia: An Arena of Geopolitical Attraction

Though 2025 is not yet at its halfway point, Central Asia has already emerged as one of the primary stages of global diplomatic engagement. Rich in natural resources and strategically positioned between global powers, the region has attracted increasing interest from the European Union, China, Russia, and others. Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and their neighbors are asserting greater agency, pursuing multi-vector foreign policies, and striving to capitalize on evolving geopolitical dynamics. EU-Central Asia: A New Chapter Amid regular annual meetings, a landmark event this year was the inaugural EU-Central Asia Summit, held in Samarkand, Uzbekistan, on April 3-4. Leaders of all five Central Asian states met with European Council President António Costa and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. Discussions centered on infrastructure development, including the Trans-Caspian route, digitalization, energy security, and water resource management. The summit concluded with a pledge to sign an Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement. This meeting was facilitated by a reconfiguration of global alliances. U.S. President Donald Trump's new tariff policies and the evolving relationship between Washington and Moscow have led European leaders, unwilling to restore ties with Russia, to seek new partnerships. Central Asia, with its strategic position and investment potential, is increasingly appealing. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, the region’s economic leaders, are particularly eager to attract foreign capital. The EU represents a possible source, though Russian analysts remain skeptical about Europe’s ability to dislodge Russian and Chinese influence. For instance, Mikhail Neizhmakov of the Russian Agency for Political and Economic Communications noted that while von der Leyen spoke of a €12 billion Global Gateway investment package, China is the largest exporter of investment in the Eurasian region, with accumulated direct investment of $58.6 billion at the end of the first half of 2024, according to the Eurasian Development Bank. Security Discourse and Russian Narratives In addition to the EU summit, the region hosted other key diplomatic events, such as the Digital Forum in Almaty earlier this year, which was attended by Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin. Another major gathering was the CIS Council of Foreign Ministers, held on April 11, also in Almaty. Ministers approved a 2025 consultation plan and adopted joint statements on regional security, humanitarian cooperation, and opposition to unilateral sanctions. Kazakhstan: A Regional Diplomatic Hub Kazakhstan has so far distinguished itself as Central Asia’s foremost diplomatic player in 2025, hosting high-level visits and spearheading regional engagement. In January, Prime Minister Mishustin visited Astana and Almaty. February saw King Abdullah II of Jordan meet with President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev to discuss investment and humanitarian cooperation. In March, President Tokayev welcomed his Slovenian counterpart, Nataša Pirc Musar, who expressed interest in expanding bilateral trade. French President Emmanuel Macron is also preparing to visit Kazakhstan later this year, reinforcing France’s strategic interest in the region. In June, meanwhile, Chinese President Xi Jinping is scheduled to attend the second Central Asia-China Summit in Astana, where trade and investment will top the agenda. Navigating a New Geopolitical Order Today, Central Asia represents a vital intersection of East and West....

Mirziyoyev Champions a Flourishing Central Asia by Enhancing Collaboration With the European Union

The global landscape is transforming, driven by geopolitical instability, economic uncertainties, and climate-related challenges. These dynamics are fostering innovative forms of international collaboration. A notable example of this shift is the remarkable fourfold increase in trade between Central Asia and the European Union over the past seven years, culminating in an impressive €54 billion. This surge highlights a growing interest among European businesses in the diverse markets of Central Asia, strategically situated at the intersection of crucial global trade routes. Against this backdrop, the Central Asia-EU summit was held over two days in Samarkand, the "Eternal City", on April 3-4, 2025. During his inaugural address on April 3, 2025, Uzbekistan's President Shavkat Mirziyoyev articulated the summit's significance, stating his view that this gathering represented a transformative moment that could redefine regional partnerships. Mirziyoyev reflected on the deep historical connections and shared interests driving the momentum toward closer ties with the EU. The choice of Samarkand — renowned for its rich historical legacy as a center of trade, science, and diplomacy — as the venue for this significant meeting was particularly poignant, as it symbolizes the intersection of cultures and ideas. Mirziyoyev evoked the historical interactions between Amir Temur and European monarchs, underscoring Samarkand as a melting pot of diversity and intellectual exchange. He introduced the notion of the “Samarkand spirit,” which he described as a symbol of unity and interconnectedness that could serve as the foundation for a new chapter in international relations. The President emphasized the sweeping transformations occurring in Central Asia, reinforcing Uzbekistan’s dedication to nurturing good-neighborly relations built on mutual benefit. Miriyoyev candidly acknowledged the region's history of conflicts and disputes but expressed hope for a shift toward constructive dialogue and trust, pointing to the recent resolution of border disputes between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan as a concrete example of this positive trajectory. Furthermore, he elaborated on ongoing initiatives to establish border trade zones, joint investment funds, and transportation corridors that could enhance connectivity and economic collaboration. Mirziyoyev outlined several key priorities: fortifying regional security, advancing economic integration, and promoting environmental sustainability. He conveyed a sense of optimism, proclaiming, "We are facing a historic chance to make our region not only sustainable but also prosperous." The President discussed Uzbekistan's comprehensive economic reforms to create a conducive business environment and liberalize the foreign exchange market. He expressed optimism that the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (EPCA) with the EU would significantly enhance trade and investment relations and proposed aligning the EU's Global Gateway strategy with regional transport initiatives to support this. He also advocated for developing an Action Plan for the Trans-Caspian Transport Corridor. Additionally, he believes there is potential to establish Tashkent as a financial center similar to Hong Kong, as the initial conditions meet the necessary criteria. On energy matters, Mirziyoyev positioned Central Asia as a dependable partner for Europe, highlighting the region's potential to contribute to energy stability and decarbonization efforts. He cited the ambitious Green Strategic Corridor project and the prospect of a Central Asia-EU...

Samarkand Declaration Paves the Way for a Stronger Central Asia–EU Partnership

The inaugural Central Asia-European Union Summit, held in Samarkand on April 3-4, marked a significant milestone in strengthening ties between the two regions. According to Sherzod Asadov, press secretary to Uzbekistan's President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, the summit's most significant outcome is the adoption of the Samarkand Declaration, which is expected to provide strong momentum for expanding constructive dialogue and cooperation across all sectors. In a statement, the EU reaffirmed its "commitment to deeper cooperation in an evolving global and regional geopolitical landscape [and] upgrade relations between the European Union and Central Asia to a strategic partnership." The EU declaration also committed the bloc to respect the "sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states within the framework of all international and regional fora" and expressed readiness to "address common security challenges." Strengthening Economic Ties Economic cooperation featured prominently on the agenda. Since 2020, trade between Uzbekistan and the EU has doubled, now exceeding €6 billion. Uzbek exports to the EU have quadrupled, and the number of joint ventures has surpassed a thousand. European investment projects in Uzbekistan, meanwhile, are now valued at over €30 billion. A key development was the agreement to open a regional office of the European Investment Bank (EIB) in Tashkent. Established in 1958, the EIB is the EU’s primary financial institution, and its new office is expected to attract greater investment in green energy, modern infrastructure, and digitalization. The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) has also deepened its engagement in Uzbekistan, investing over €5 billion to date. “We must work together to simplify trade procedures and ensure that Central Asian products gain greater access to European markets. Only through joint efforts can we build a strong and resilient economic partnership,” Mirziyoyev told Euronews. "Over the past seven years, the trade turnover between Central Asian countries and the EU has quadrupled, amounting to 54 billion euros... The signing of the Samarkand Declaration will reflect the common aspiration of the parties to establish a strategic partnership and lay the foundation for deepening ties between our regions." During the summit, Mirziyoyev met with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and European Council President António Costa. Discussions focused on trade, investment, green energy, and digital development, with the EU’s "Global Gateway” strategy, a counterpart to China’s Belt and Road Initiative, a central topic. The initiative is seeking to enhance global infrastructure and connectivity while promoting sustainability and transparency. “The EU and Central Asia are becoming closer partners, and this summit marks the beginning of a new phase in our cooperation,” von der Leyen stated. An Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Uzbekistan and the EU is also under negotiation. Regional Dialogue Among Central Asian Leaders The Summit also offered a platform for Central Asian heads of state to hold bilateral discussions. Mirziyoyev met with his counterparts from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan. Talks centered on increasing trade, improving border security, and advancing major infrastructure projects. A recent landmark border agreement between Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan was lauded as a breakthrough. Uzbekistan...