• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00200 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09156 -0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00200 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09156 -0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00200 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09156 -0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00200 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09156 -0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00200 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09156 -0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00200 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09156 -0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00200 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09156 -0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00200 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09156 -0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 -0.14%
19 February 2025

Viewing results 103 - 108 of 307

Rosatom Considering Constructing Nuclear Power Plant in Northern Kyrgyzstan

Representatives of the Russian company Rosatom announced at a briefing that a low-capacity nuclear power plant may be built in Kyrgyzstan's northern Chui region. According to them, a preliminary feasibility study has already been developed. According to Rosatom, the company's specialists have studied the seismic potential of southern Kyrgyzstan and concluded that there are many faults in the earth's crust. This fact is reason enough not to build the plant in the south of the country. In contrast, Kyrgyzstan's north is less prone to seismic fluctuations. “The most suitable location for this project is the northern Chui oblast [region], where seismicity is the lowest. But we have not been able to name a specific site so far. A detailed study is needed. There are places in Kyrgyzstan where a nuclear power plant can be built, but not many,” said Dmitry Konstantinov, general director of Rosatom's Russian representative office in Kyrgyzstan. He said many parameters must be considered when choosing a construction site. These include seismic activity, remoteness from population centers, power lines, and a water source needed to cool the plant. Rosatom stated that the design for the small nuclear power plant potentially being built in Kyrgyzstan was developed by adapting shipboard small-power technology currently used in ships. Each unit at the plant would have a capacity of 55 MW, with the possibility of installing up to six units, allowing the plant’s total capacity to reach 300 MW. For comparison, by 2025, Kyrgyz authorities aim to achieve a capacity of 400 MW (excluding the nuclear plant) through the completion of large hydroelectric power projects. Two years ago, a memorandum on constructing a low-capacity nuclear power plant was signed between Bishkek and Moscow. Since then, the Russian company has been working on a feasibility study and studying land plots for the plant's construction. According to the head of the representative office, serious discussions are continuing with the republic's authorities. “The decision to build a nuclear power plant in Kyrgyzstan will be made by the people together with the government. And we, for our part, will provide all the necessary information and technology to make it objective. We will inform the population about our technologies and decisions so that they feel safe,” emphasized Konstantinov. Rosatom signed a memorandum with Uzbek authorities on constructing a small nuclear power plant earlier this year. According to the Russian company, construction has already begun, and the first power unit may operate in 2029. On October 6, Kazakhstan will hold a popular referendum on constructing a nuclear power plant in Kazakhstan. Among the most likely candidates for construction are companies from Russia, China, South Korea, and France.

Kyrgyzstan Complicates Re-Export of Goods to Russia

Re-exporting goods to Russia from third countries through Kyrgyzstan are to become more expensive due to a new rule implemented by the National Bank of the Kyrgyz Republic (NBKR). The new protocol prohibits banks from making payments for goods intended for foreign countries without actual delivery to the territory of Kyrgyzstan. The rule came into force on September 25 and effectively closed the channel of transit payments for goods from third countries to Russia through Kyrgyzstan. The move is seen as a response to requests from international financial institutions. It might be instrumental in putting an end to Russia’s practice of avoiding Western sanctions imposed due to Russia's war in Ukraine. The new NBKR rule would also benefit the Kyrgyz economy, as re-exported goods must now be delivered to Kyrgyzstan and subject to Kyrgyz customs duties and taxes. According to Russian media reports, Russian importers have already encountered difficulties associated with the new requirement to transport goods through Kyrgyzstan, and the corresponding customs and tax costs, which makes re-export less profitable. The NBKR requirement does not extend to the Trading Company, established by the Cabinet of Ministers of the Kyrgyz Republic on August 23. Wholly state-owned, the company oversees trade flows involving Kyrgyz firms that re-export goods without physically delivering them to Kyrgyzstan. The Trading Company has the exclusive right to carry out trade operations without actual delivery to Kyrgyzstan. Companies that previously carried out trade without delivery to the Kyrgyz territory must carry out operations through the Trading Company. Also, the NBKR rule does not apply to deliveries made through e-commerce marketplaces for personal use.

The Ferghana Valley: Navigating Complex Challenges in Central Asia’s Most Volatile Region

The Ferghana Valley is one of Central Asia’s most fertile and densely populated areas, but it is also among the most volatile. Spanning Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, this landlocked region has long been a hotbed of ethnic tension, water disputes, and political instability. These challenges are deeply rooted in the geography, history, and sociopolitical landscape, making the valley a key focal point for understanding broader regional dynamics in Central Asia.   Geographical Importance and Ethnic Diversity Nestled between the towering Tien Shan and Pamir Mountain ranges, the Ferghana Valley covers over 22,000 square kilometers. It is fertile land nourished by the Syr Darya River, making it a critical area for cultivating cotton, fruits, and vegetables. These natural resources have historically drawn diverse populations, creating a vibrant ethnic mosaic. The valley is home to Uzbeks, Kyrgyz, and Tajiks, as well as smaller ethnic groups. While ethnic Uzbeks form the majority, significant Kyrgyz and Tajik minorities inhabit border regions. The ethnic diversity of the Ferghana Valley is both a strength and a source of tension. Soviet-era border policies exacerbated these divisions by creating artificial boundaries that crisscrossed the valley, leaving behind ethnic enclaves — pockets of one nationality surrounded by the territory of another. These enclaves have complicated governance and territorial integrity, making border management a persistent challenge.   The Soviet Legacy and Border Disputes During Soviet rule, the Central Asian republics were organized under Stalin’s divide-and-rule strategy, which deliberately created complex borders to weaken local identities and prevent regional unity. The Ferghana Valley, divided among three Soviet republics, is a prime example of this approach. After the Soviet Union's collapse in 1991, the administrative boundaries became international borders overnight between Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan. The lack of clearly defined borders has sparked numerous conflicts over territory, water, and land. A notable clash between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan in 2021 resulted in over 40 deaths and the destruction of homes and infrastructure. Many disputes revolve around access to scarce resources like water and arable land. These issues have escalated into violent confrontations, leading to casualties and the displacement of local populations.   Water: A Scarce and Contested Resource Water is the lifeblood of the Ferghana Valley, but disputes over its allocation are a major source of tension. The valley depends heavily on irrigation for its agricultural productivity, and the Syr Darya River, along with its tributaries, plays a crucial role in supplying water to the region. However, the division of the valley among the three countries complicates water management. Uzbekistan, the most populous of the three, relies on the valley’s water resources for its cotton industry, a cornerstone of its economy. Meanwhile, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, which control the headwaters of the Syr Darya, often use their upstream position to leverage water access. This dynamic has led to frequent disagreements over water usage. For instance, Kyrgyzstan has at times threatened to withhold water unless it receives compensation, either through payments or electricity.   Ethnic Tensions and Political Instability Ethnic tensions further complicate the Ferghana Valley’s already volatile...

China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan Railway Company Opened in Bishkek

On September 28, LLC China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan Railway Company opened in Bishkek for the purpose of constructing and operating a line connecting the three countries. The opening ceremony was attended by the Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers of the Kyrgyz Republic, Akylbek Japarov, the Chinese Ambassador to Kyrgyzstan, Du Dewen, high-ranking officials from the Department of Foreign Capital and Overseas Investment of China’s National Development and Reform Commission, and Uzbekistan’s Minister of Transport, Ilkhom Makhkamov. Emphasizing the railway's importance for the region, Japarov stated: "We call this project ‘the construction of the century.’ It will take economic cooperation between China and Central Asian countries to a qualitatively new level." Currently, neither Kyrgyzstan nor Uzbekistan has a rail link with China, with Central Asia only having a connection to China through Kazakhstan. Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan also have no railway connecting the two countries. China, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan signed an intergovernmental agreement on the railway construction project on June 6 in Beijing. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, the 523 km railway will run through Kashgar (China), Torugart, Makmal, Jalal-Abad (Kyrgyzstan), and Andijan (Uzbekistan). A transit and logistics infrastructure will be developed along the route. Once completed, the line will see 15 million tons of cargo annually. In June, Akylbek Japarov confirmed a statement made by Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov in April 2024, stating that the railway construction would cost $8 billion as opposed to the preliminarily estimate of $4.7billion. 

The Illusion of Influence: The CSTO’s Journey From Symbolic Maneuvers To Real Challenges

Accompanied by a picture of military hardware - though in reverse gear as if symbolically - today, the CSTO (Collective Security Treaty Organization) website announced that “From 26 to 30 September, formations participating in the command-staff exercise 'Unbreakable Brotherhood-2024' with the CSTO Peacekeeping Forces are regrouping in the Republic of Kazakhstan. Contingents of CSTO troops are being sent from the Republic of Belarus, the Kyrgyz Republic, the Russian Federation, and the Republic of Tajikistan to the exercise area in accordance with the plan.” In reality, the history of the CSTO is one of refusals, inaction, and sometimes unexpected successes. On August 31, Armenia announced it had frozen its participation in the CSTO. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said he would not name the day when Armenia would leave the CSTO and called the decision to freeze the republic's participation in all structures of the organization correct “at this stage.” In many ways, this half-hearted decision reflects a certain amorphousness that originally characterized the CSTO.   History The history of the structure's emergence reflects this lack of crystalline form. The Collective Security Treaty (CST) was signed in Tashkent between Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan on May 15, 1992. Azerbaijan, Belarus and Georgia later joined in 1993. The treaty came into effect in 1994 and was set to last five years. During the 1990s and the disintegration of Soviet-era institutions, organizations such as the CSTO or the previously created Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), whose founding protocol was signed in Almaty, were created to facilitate a smooth “divorce” between the newly independent states. The CSTO was also seen as a force capable of curbing the regional conflicts which were boiling over, such as the Mujaheddin in Afghanistan. Tashkent's bet on Russian weapons in case of conflicts with the Taliban did not work out, however. From the turn of the 1990s into the 2000s, two serious fissures across the borders of Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan took place; the republics fought back with their own military and weapons, in addition to Kazakhstan coming to the rescue. The Collective Security Treaty expired in 1999, with Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, and Georgia withdrawing, whilst Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and Tajikistan soldiered on under a new pact. The remaining states later transformed the CST into the Collective Security Treaty Organization in 2002. Uzbekistan joined as a full member of the CSTO in 2006 but then flip-flopped and suspended its membership in 2012.   A powerless organization While the CSTO was still developing, with President Vladimir Putin coming to power in Russia, the Kremlin's foreign policy changed substantively from that of the Yeltsin era, when Moscow remained indifferent to Nursultan Nazarbayev's integration initiatives. The new direction of Russian foreign policy was expressed in the concepts of “Russia rising from its knees” and the "gathering of lands.” Over time, this evolved into joint war games and military operations with the West in the Middle East and Africa, and for a period the Kremlin seemed to lose interest in Central Asia....

Kyrgyzstan Presents its Candidacy for UN Security Council

Speaking at the 79th session of the UN General Assembly in New York, Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov called on the global community to reduce arms spending and international tensions. During the general debate, Japarov nominated Kyrgyzstan's candidacy for the Security Council, saying the time has come to address historical injustices. “If elected, Kyrgyzstan will work to improve the efficiency and transparency of the Security Council and to expand it with balanced regional representation. It is time to eliminate the historical injustice of 60 member states, including Kyrgyzstan, who have never been elected to the Security Council, and to correct the under-representation of African countries on the Council,” Japarov said. The Kyrgyz leader said the world is becoming increasingly unpredictable and complex. He urged all states to continue to support the UN in its core mission of ensuring peace and preventing modern risks and threats in this “turbulent period.” “Unfortunately, this is happening in a world where many nations and peoples still lack access to basic clean water, healthcare, and education. We need to ensure that the money that goes to wars, destruction, and death goes to creating or solving global challenges for all,” Japarov said. The council has 15 members, including five permanent members. The next elections to the Council will be held in June 2026.