• KZT/USD = 0.00209
  • TJS/USD = 0.10810
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00209
  • TJS/USD = 0.10810
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00209
  • TJS/USD = 0.10810
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00209
  • TJS/USD = 0.10810
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00209
  • TJS/USD = 0.10810
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00209
  • TJS/USD = 0.10810
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00209
  • TJS/USD = 0.10810
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00209
  • TJS/USD = 0.10810
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760

Viewing results 49 - 54 of 873

Central Asia’s Renewable Energy Boom Faces Growing Grid Challenges

Central Asia is rapidly expanding its renewable energy sector, with solar power emerging as one of the key drivers of the region’s energy transition. However, a new report by the Eurasian Development Bank (EDB) warns that accelerated deployment of renewable energy, without matching investment in grid infrastructure, reserve capacity, storage systems, and market reforms, could increase systemic risks and raise overall electricity costs. The warning comes as electricity demand across Central Asia continues to grow steadily. The region’s population now exceeds 80 million, and power consumption is rising by 3% to 6% annually. According to the EDB, electricity demand could increase by nearly 40% by 2030, reaching 370 billion kilowatt-hours annually, up from approximately 270 billion kilowatt-hours today. Governments across the region have announced ambitious renewable energy targets for the coming decade. Uzbekistan plans to install more than 25 gigawatts of renewable energy capacity by 2030, including solar and wind generation. Kazakhstan aims to commission 8.4 gigawatts of renewable energy by 2035, while Kyrgyzstan plans to add 3.65 gigawatts of solar capacity and 400 megawatts of wind power over the same period. Tajikistan is targeting 2 gigawatts of solar and wind generation by 2030, while Turkmenistan has announced plans for 300 megawatts of solar power capacity. Yet the region’s transition toward cleaner energy sources presents a growing challenge: electricity demand is increasing faster than power systems are adapting to accommodate large volumes of variable renewable generation. Solar energy production peaks during daylight hours, creating fluctuations that conventional power systems must manage. In the morning, before solar panels begin generating at full capacity, electricity demand is largely met by hydropower plants and thermal generation fueled by coal or natural gas. As solar output rises during the day, conventional plants must reduce generation or temporarily shut down. After sunset, when electricity consumption remains high but solar production falls to zero, conventional generators must rapidly increase output to stabilize the system. These abrupt shifts create operational challenges and increase costs for grid operators. According to the EDB’s report, Power Sector of Central Asia: Modernization and Energy Transition, the main obstacles to integrating renewable energy are technical and institutional, not simply financial. If sudden drops in solar or wind generation caused by weather changes are not immediately offset, power systems risk instability and, in extreme cases, blackouts. As renewable capacity expands, grids require more flexible generation, larger reserve margins, energy storage systems, and more sophisticated operational management tools. The report notes that renewable generation is being introduced faster than supporting infrastructure can be developed. In many countries, transmission networks were not designed to accommodate a high share of variable energy sources. Weather forecasting systems also remain insufficiently accurate to support reliable real-time balancing of renewable output. Market reforms have lagged as well. Capacity markets, reserve markets, and tariff systems in several Central Asian countries have yet to evolve in ways that encourage investment in flexible backup generation and storage technologies. As a result, the report argues, the real system-wide cost of renewable energy may...

Opinion: Why the Next Head of UNAMA Should Come from Central Asia

A recent briefing on Afghanistan before the United Nations Security Council again showed that the country’s challenges can no longer be viewed only through humanitarian assistance or debates over recognition of the Taliban government. Afghanistan remains a deeply complex domestic issue, but it is increasingly becoming a regional one as well. The discussion now extends beyond human rights and political dialogue with the de facto authorities. It now includes the return of millions of people from neighboring countries, pressure on cities and rural communities, shortages of jobs and water, cross-border trade, security, and the future of regional transport corridors. Against this backdrop, the question of who should lead the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) is no longer only a personnel decision. It has become part of a wider debate about what international policy toward Afghanistan should look like in its next phase. The catalyst for this discussion was the recent briefing delivered by Georgette Gagnon, the UN Secretary-General’s Deputy Special Representative for Afghanistan, before the Security Council. According to Gagnon, the de facto authorities maintain control over both Afghanistan’s territory and administrative structures. At present, they face no significant armed or political challenge. The Taliban themselves view the restoration of security across Afghanistan as one of their principal achievements. Yet this does not mean the situation is stable. Gagnon pointed to a fundamental contradiction within the current system of governance. There are rigid ideological policies that place considerable pressure on society. There are also more pragmatic approaches that have so far allowed the system to function and survive. In other words, Afghanistan appears to have achieved a form of managed stability, but without a clear vision of where that system is ultimately headed. Stability Conceals Deep Structural Problems The economic picture is equally mixed. Afghanistan has recorded positive growth in absolute terms. Fiscal stability has improved, revenue collection has increased, and several infrastructure projects are moving forward. The country has also largely maintained the gains achieved through the reduction of opium poppy cultivation. Yet beneath these signs of stabilization lie significant challenges. According to Gagnon, nearly 5.9 million people have returned to Afghanistan since 2023. This represents a population increase of more than 10%. Another 2.8 million Afghans could return during 2026 alone. Many returnees arrive with no savings, no employment, and limited prospects for rebuilding their lives. For a country with a fragile economy, this creates enormous pressure. Cities and rural communities are struggling to absorb new arrivals. Jobs, housing, water resources, and social services remain in short supply. The humanitarian situation remains severe. In 2026, approximately 21.9 million people, around 45% of Afghanistan’s population, are expected to require humanitarian assistance. Another major concern is demographics. More than half of Afghanistan’s population is under the age of 25. This generation is growing up amid limited opportunities. While the challenges facing girls have received international attention, boys increasingly face difficulties as well. Employment opportunities are scarce, household incomes are declining, and competition for livelihoods is intensifying. Environmental pressures...

U.S. Convenes Critical Minerals Dialogue with Central Asian Officials in Kazakhstan

ASTANA — The United States opened a new round of high-level critical minerals talks with Central Asian governments in Astana on June 10, with U.S. Special Envoy for South and Central Asian Affairs Sergio Gor saying Washington is placing new emphasis on a region it sees as central to global commerce, connectivity, and secure supply chains. Speaking at the C5+1 Critical Minerals Dialogue, Gor said Central Asia “has not gotten the attention it deserves from the United States,” and that the Trump administration had decided to change that. “We care about this region, we want to be involved with this region, we want to identify win-win situations for the United States and your nations,” Gor said. The meeting, held at The Ritz-Carlton in Astana, brought together officials from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and the United States. The program included sessions on geological exploration, surveying and mapping, mining and processing, and global value and supply chains, followed by a government-business networking reception. Gor thanked Kazakhstan for hosting what he described as the first in-person C5+1 Critical Minerals Dialogue and said he had met with President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev shortly before the session. Kazakhstan’s Foreign Ministry said that ahead of the dialogue, Gor and Kazakh Foreign Minister Yermek Kosherbayev had discussed economic and investment partnerships, innovation, artificial intelligence, education, transport, logistics, and critical minerals. The ministry also said the sides discussed the implementation of agreements reached between Tokayev and U.S. President Donald Trump at the White House in November 2025. Gor framed the Astana meeting as part of a broader increase in U.S. engagement with Central Asia following the C5+1 leaders’ meeting in Washington last year. He said critical minerals are now a central part of that engagement because they are essential to infrastructure, advanced technologies, industry, and national defense. “Our economic security depends on our ability to diversify our access to critical minerals,” Gor said. “Ensuring reliable access to these materials requires not only expanding production, but also building resilient, transparent, and market-driven supply chains in close partnership with trusted partners.” He added that the Central Asian states represented at the table were exactly the partners Washington wants to work with. “There’s a reason we’re sitting at this table and not at another table around the world,” Gor said. “It’s because this is where we want to work. This is where we have identified trusted partners.” Gor highlighted the role of U.S. commercial and development-finance tools in supporting investment, saying Washington is prepared to back American companies working in the region. “The United States government stands behind American companies,” Gor said. “There is no such thing as a deal too small.” Gor also pointed to the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation, saying it was preparing to “invest and build” in the region and saw potential in critical minerals, telecommunications, and Trans-Caspian infrastructure. He said DFC saw “potential to transform the region’s rich deposits of critical minerals into the foundation of a new wave of industrialization.” “President Trump understands the importance of...

Extradited Turkmen Activist Sentenced to Five Years in Prison

Turkmen activist Saddam Gulamov, who was extradited from Russia to Turkmenistan last year, has been sentenced to five years in prison, according to Turkmen.news, citing documents it said were obtained from Russia’s Prosecutor General’s Office. The new information appears to revise earlier reports that Gulamov had received an eight-year sentence. Those accounts were based on sources in Turkmenistan’s law enforcement system and on information from inmates at the LB-E/12, also known as the Seydi Prison Labor Camp, where Gulamov is reportedly serving his sentence. According to Turkmen.news, Turkmenistan’s Prosecutor General’s Office requested Gulamov’s extradition. Russian authorities approved the request on December 20, 2023, and transferred him to Turkmen law enforcement agencies on March 1, 2024, after the decision entered into force. The documents cited by the outlet say the Judicial Panel of the Ashgabat City Court sentenced Gulamov on May 13, 2024, to five years in prison. They do not specify the charges or the legal provisions under which he was convicted. Turkmen.news also reported that Russian Embassy employees in Turkmenistan had visited Gulamov in prison and asked about his conditions of detention. No details about the outcome of those visits have been made public. The outlet said records from Turkmenistan’s wanted persons database showed that, as of 2021, Gulamov was being sought under Article 175, Part 2, of the country’s Criminal Code, which concerns public calls to violently change the constitutional order through mass media, and under Article 175-2, Part 2, which concerns public calls to extremist activity through media channels. Both offenses carried maximum prison terms of five years. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, Gulamov publicly criticized Turkmen authorities and former president Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov on social media in 2020 and 2021. His posts focused on food shortages, economic difficulties, the government’s handling of the COVID-19 pandemic, and the official response to a destructive hurricane. In several posts, Gulamov called on citizens not to be afraid of what he described as authoritarian rule. Human rights organizations have repeatedly expressed concern about the treatment of political activists and government critics in Turkmenistan, one of the world’s most closed countries, where independent political activity and public dissent remain tightly restricted.

ILO Reports Rise in Child Labor in Turkmenistan’s Cotton Fields

The International Labour Organization has reported a rise in child labor during Turkmenistan’s 2025 cotton harvest, despite improvements in some working conditions and continued cooperation with the government. The findings were published in the ILO’s second consecutive assessment of labor conditions during the country’s cotton campaign. The monitoring mission was conducted between August 28 and November 4, 2025, across all five regions of Turkmenistan. Observers interviewed 1,611 cotton pickers, 458 farmers, and 1,415 public-sector employees, as well as local officials and farm managers. Children were not interviewed for safety reasons, meaning conclusions regarding child labor were based on direct observations by monitors and testimony from adult respondents. One of the report’s most significant findings was a sharp increase in reports and observations of children in cotton fields. The share of cotton pickers reporting the presence of children in the fields rose to 20% in 2025 from 11% a year earlier. Among public-sector employees surveyed, the figure increased from 14% to 18%, while among farmers it rose from 17% to 34%. ILO monitors themselves encountered children during 38% of field visits, compared with 23% in the previous year’s assessment. The highest incidence was recorded in Dashoguz Region, where children were observed on 59% of surveyed fields. Comparable figures were 41% in Mary Region, 28% in Lebap Region and 25% in Ahal Region. The report also documented increased interference by local officials in monitoring activities. Attempts to influence inspections were recorded during 35% of field visits in 2025, up from 23% in 2024. Interference was also reported during 34% of inspections involving public institutions. In Dashoguz Region, officials were present during interviews with public-sector employees in 62% of cases, according to the report. The use of public-sector workers during the cotton harvest also continued. Twelve percent of surveyed government employees said they participated in cotton picking, while around one in five of those respondents said they had been sent to the fields by employers, officials, or farming associations. Fifteen percent of farmers reported seeing public-sector employees or military personnel working in the fields. The report found that concerns about negative consequences for refusing cotton work also increased. Fifteen percent of pickers reported fearing repercussions, compared with 12% a year earlier. Nearly one-quarter of surveyed public-sector employees expressed similar concerns. Respondents cited fears of losing social benefits, employment, income, or social standing within their communities. Meanwhile, the ILO reported improvements in several labor indicators. The share of workers earning below the official minimum wage fell from 29% to 13%, while average pay increased from 4.6 cents to 4.9 cents per kilogram of cotton harvested. Access to drinking water and food also improved. However, significant challenges remain. Only 7% of cotton pickers had written employment contracts, down from 22% in 2024. More than half of workers lacked at least one required piece of protective equipment, while 11% reported health problems during the harvest. The ILO noted that cooperation with the Turkmen government has resulted in some reforms, including amendments to the Labor Code that...

From Culture to Critical Minerals: C5+1 Opens Busy U.S. Week in Central Asia

The United States and Central Asia moved another part of the C5+1 agenda into a working-level form on June 5, when culture officials from the five Central Asian states and Washington met in Tashkent. The meeting came just days before a separate C5+1 critical minerals session in Astana, giving the week a wider agenda: cultural heritage, public diplomacy, mining, investment, and supply chains are now moving forward in the same regional format. The Tashkent meeting brought together Uzbekistan's Minister of Culture Ozodbek Nazarbekov, Kazakhstan's Minister of Culture and Information Aida Balayeva, Kyrgyzstan's Minister of Culture, Information and Youth Policy Mirbek Mambetaliev, Tajikistan's Minister of Culture Matluba Sattoriyon, Turkmenistan's Deputy Minister of Culture Gurbanmurad Miradaliev, and Sarah Rogers, the U.S. Under Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs. The agenda covered cultural and humanitarian cooperation, joint cultural projects, creative exchanges, and the protection and promotion of cultural heritage. Participants discussed a permanent C5+1 Working Group on Culture, a C5+1 Culture and Innovation Forum, closer cooperation in the creative industries, and more places for Central Asian cultural professionals in U.S. education and exchange programs. Uzbekistan also proposed joint English for Culture centers with U.S. partners at cultural education institutions. In practical terms, that could mean joint training for museum staff, touring exhibitions, film and music exchanges, English-language programs for curators and cultural managers, and U.S.-backed workshops for people working in heritage, tourism, and the creative industries. For Uzbekistan, the proposed centers would give the agenda a physical base inside cultural education institutions rather than leaving it at the level of declarations. The meeting ended with a protocol, which reaffirmed the parties' commitment to the cultural heritage agenda adopted after the Washington summit in November 2025. The International Institute for Central Asia said it covered cooperation through joint events and festivals in art, literature, theater, cinema, and music. Kazakhstan's side also tied the discussion to museum partnerships, digitization of heritage, professional exchanges, tourism routes, and digital projects. The Tashkent talks grew out of the C5+1 leaders’ meeting in Washington, where culture joined a wider list of priorities. That summit marked ten years of U.S. engagement with the region through the format, which began in 2015 and has since expanded from foreign-minister meetings to expert groups and presidential-level summits. The Times of Central Asia previously reported that the November 2025 summit shifted the format from broad diplomacy toward deliverable agreements, with critical minerals, aviation, supply chains, and business ties among the main areas of focus. Culture fits into that agenda, as Central Asian governments see heritage, tourism, film, music, museums, and the creative industries as economic sectors as well as identity markers. For the United States, public diplomacy gives Washington a way to stay active in the region outside security and energy talks. It also gives the C5+1 a soft-power layer, using language programs, museum links, heritage projects, and creative exchanges to build influence without framing the relationship only around security or resources. Heritage protection has a security side as well. Trafficking...