• KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00192 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10101 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00192 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10101 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00192 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10101 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00192 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10101 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00192 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10101 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00192 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10101 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00192 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10101 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00192 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10101 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 470

The Hearth of Hospitality: The Importance of the Chaikhana in Central Asia

“Every meal begins with tea and ends with tea. Every guest is welcomed with tea. Every festival and every ceremony – from the celebration of birth to wedding to funeral – must feature tea” - Ketan Desai. Across Central Asia, the chaikhana, or teahouse, holds a cherished place in the region’s social and cultural fabric. Beyond serving cups of steaming tea, it represents history, hospitality, and a space where the rhythms of daily life unfold. For Central Asians, tea isn’t just a drink; it’s a way of life. Every pour, sup, and serving is steeped in tradition. Green tea is considered supreme in the east, while black tea holds court in the west. The offering of tea isn’t just polite, it’s a heartfelt symbol of welcoming and friendship, and to turn it down is practically a cultural crime. Tea is always poured into a piala, a small ceramic or porcelain bowl similar to the Chinese gaiwan or the Japanese chaiwan, but with its own unique steeped allure. A Link to History [caption id="attachment_33095" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Chaikhana, Samarkand, 1905; image: Prokudin-Gorskiĭ[/caption] The chaikhana has roots stretching back centuries, intertwined with the history of the Silk Road. These teahouses sprang up along trade routes as places where merchants, travelers, and locals could rest and exchange goods, ideas, and stories. Over time, chaikhanas became hubs of cultural exchange, bearing silent witness to the blending of a rich tapestry of traditions. Central Asia is a region shaped by the collapse of the Soviet Union and subsequent episodes of democratization, political coercion, and repression. Throughout history, the chaikhana also played a role in the region’s intellectual life. Much like coffeehouses in Europe, these spaces often served as platforms for debate, poetry readings, and the airing of progressive ideas. These venues often feature private rooms with enclosed spaces or pull-down shades and outdoor spots with canopies or yurt-like structures, ensuring discretion for guests. Unlike typical restaurants or cafes, which rarely offer such private arrangements, teahouses allow organizations to hold meetings comfortably and confidentially. Teahouses serve a dual purpose by balancing privacy with public engagement, making them invaluable to those seeking both discretion and societal visibility. [caption id="attachment_33096" align="aligncenter" width="1019"] Bukhara Chaikhana; image: Joepyrek[/caption] Teahouses serve as neutral spaces where the general public and government can freely interact. They offer a safe space for open discussions, even for government employees, highlighting their unique role in fostering dialogue. The subversive potential of teahouses cannot be overlooked, as debates frequently occurred outside formal governmental frameworks. They have quietly allowed people to organize and challenge institutional power in subtle yet meaningful ways. Tradition and Architecture Chaikhanas are more than just teahouses; they’re cultural treasures enriched by stunning architecture. From simple wooden benches in rural areas to urban teahouses adorned with intricate carvings, colorful tiles, and ornate patterns, these spaces are as much about artistry as they are about tea. The interiors feature low tables and cushions, encouraging leisurely conversations and fostering a warm, communal atmosphere. Whether beside a flowing stream...

The Battle for Control Over Central Asia’s Digital Future

Central Asia is digitalizing quickly. Governments across the region have invested in smart cities, 5G, and AI-powered platforms. Kazakhstan ranks 24th in the world in global e-government indexes, and in Tashkent and Bishkek, young, tech-savvy populations are pushing for innovation. But such progress is not without risks. A new report from the German Marshall Fund (GMF), a Washington-based think tank, outlines how Central Asia is becoming ever more reliant on Chinese and Russian technology. These two countries, the report argues, are using digital tools not just to supply infrastructure but to shape how governments in the region manage data, surveillance, and speech. Beijing and Moscow’s tech exports act as snares, tying customers into their own economies. “Central Asian governments are aware of these challenges,” Dylan Welch, the author of the report and a China analyst at the GMF, told The Times of Central Asia. But he notes that it can be difficult to convince policymakers to prioritize the dangers of such overexposure. “For the national leaders, their imperative is to deliver economic growth because they have these young, dynamic populations that need jobs… if they don't deliver on that, then they're in for a long period of instability at home,” he said. This makes Chinese and Russian offers to develop their digital industries extremely tempting. An Entrenched Presence The report coincides with a flurry of Russian and Chinese engagement in the region. Over the weekend, Kazakhstan announced that between them, Beijing and Moscow will be responsible for delivering a new generation of nuclear reactors to the country, currently leaving French and Korean alternatives out in the cold. Then came this week’s visit of Chinese President Xi Jinping to Astana for a summit with the five Central Asian leaders. On the digital front, one notable announcement from this summit included a plan to develop an Artificial Intelligence Cooperation Center in Kyrgyzstan. China has used the term “Digital Silk Road” to describe its investments in Central Asia, and it has built much of the physical infrastructure behind the region’s digitization drive. For its part, Russia has exported its software, legal models and surveillance practices. Taken together, these systems are helping local governments tighten control over digital life. “This strategic integration makes it more difficult for regional states to diversify in the future, even though many continue to pursue multi-vector foreign policies aimed at balancing global partnerships,” Yunis Sharifli, Non-Resident Fellow at the China-Global South Project, told TCA. Where the Vulnerabilities Lie The report uses a “technology stack” framework to explain the problem. This framework looks at five layers: network infrastructure, data storage, consumer devices, digital platforms, and government policies. Across these layers, it argues, Central Asia is exposed to Chinese and Russian influence. Take Kazakhstan. It may be the most advanced digital economy in the region, but most of its internet traffic still passes through Russia. Telecom firms across the region are also required to install a Russian-made surveillance technology known as SORM (System for Operative Investigative Activities), which can intercept internet...

From Reform to Roadblocks: The Uneven Evolution of Motor Insurance in Central Asia

Motor insurance markets across Central Asia exhibit contrasting levels of development, from Kazakhstan’s expanding, digitized sector to Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan, where the system remains largely ineffective. Beyond compensating for damages, motor insurance is increasingly viewed as a tool for strengthening financial markets, promoting road safety, and easing the fiscal burden during emergencies. Kazakhstan Kazakhstan leads the region in insurance market volume. According to the Agency for Regulation and Development of the Financial Market (ARDFM), compulsory third-party motor insurance (OSGPO) premiums totaled more than KZT 106 billion ($205 million) in 2023, an 18% increase from the previous year. Since 2019, Kazakhstan has operated an electronic OSGPO registration system, streamlining policy purchases and reducing fraud. Integration with the Ministry of Internal Affairs databases now enables more effective monitoring of compliance. In April 2025, the country introduced a revised bonus-malus system with 18 risk classes, ranging from M2 (highest risk, coefficient 3.5) to Class 13 (lowest risk, coefficient 0.5). New drivers are assigned Class A with a coefficient of 1.8. The updated system accounts for accident history, traffic violations, and the duration of accident-free driving. Despite this progress, voluntary comprehensive insurance (CASCO) remains underutilized; fewer than 5% of car owners hold such policies. Barriers include high costs, limited public understanding, and the persistent mistrust of insurers. Nevertheless, demand for CASCO is growing amid rising accident rates and vehicle costs. Once considered a luxury for owners of new cars, CASCO is increasingly popular among middle-income drivers, particularly those buying vehicles on credit or lease. According to Ranking.kz, CASCO premiums reached KZT 13.4 billion ($26 million) in January-February 2025, slightly below the same period in 2024 ($29 million) but still well above pre-pandemic levels. CASCO now covers a broad range of risks, including accidents, theft, vandalism, fire, and natural disasters. For many Kazakhstani drivers, comprehensive coverage is becoming a central part of their financial strategy rather than a discretionary purchase. Kyrgyzstan In Kyrgyzstan, however, the motor insurance system is largely dormant. Although a compulsory insurance law was passed in 2015, only 8-10% of the vehicle fleet is insured. The absence of a unified digital platform, weak interagency coordination, and low public confidence hinder progress. The authorities intend to relaunch reforms in 2025, focusing on digital integration between the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the National Bank. Beginning July 1, 2025, fines will be imposed on uninsured drivers: 3,000 KGS (around $35) for individuals and 13,000 KGS (about $150) for foreign nationals and legal entities. The new penalties are expected to promote compliance and foster a stronger insurance culture. Uzbekistan Uzbekistan, in contrast, has made substantial strides since 2019. Restrictions on foreign insurers have been lifted, and the Insurance Market Development Agency has spearheaded a digital transformation of the sector. In 2023, motor insurance premiums surpassed 250 billion som, largely from OSGPO policies. The government has expanded policy coverage and supports online issuance to increase accessibility and competition. As of September 1, 2024, all compulsory motor insurance policies will be digitized and issued through a centralized...

Turkmenistan’s Gas Swap Deals Could Be Collateral Damage from Israeli-Iran Conflict

Turkmenistan has the fourth largest reserves of natural gas in the world, but the country has found it difficult to export substantial volumes. Lack of export pipelines are one of the problems and it seemed Turkmenistan had partially solved this dilemma by arranging gas swap deals. Unfortunately for Turkmenistan, these deals involve Iran as the key country, and the Israeli-Iran conflict sheds new doubt on the ability of Iran to fulfill its part in the swap arrangements. So Close Turkmenistan signed a deal to supply 10 billion cubic meters (bcm) of gas annually to Iraq in late October 2024. It was the first major gas export deal Turkmenistan had signed in nearly two decades. That last big agreement was signed with China in 2006. It involved building four gas pipelines from Turkmenistan to China to eventually carry a combined 85 bcm of gas, 65 bcm of which would be Turkmen gas. Since the pipelines cross through Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, both of those countries are allotted 10 bcm each of the capacity for their gas exports. The fourth branch that would have carried 30 bcm of Turkmen gas has not been built, leaving Turkmen gas exports to China averaging 35 bcm per year. At the moment, China is the only major customer for Turkmen gas. The second largest buyer of Turkmen gas is Uzbekistan, which only purchases about 2 bcm. Not even 20 years ago, Russia was purchasing more than 40 bcm of Turkmen gas, but by 2023 that had dwindled to 5.5 bcm, still leaving Russia as the second largest buyer of Turkmen gas. In July 2024, after negotiations over price broke down, the two parties chose not to renew that contract. That made the agreement with Iraq all the more important for Turkmenistan. However, there are no pipelines connecting the two countries. Yet So Far The Turkmen-Iraqi agreement calls for Turkmenistan to ship 10 bcm of gas to Iran, with Iran then sending 10 bcm of its gas to Iraq. Iran needs gas for its northern regions that are not connected to the domestic pipeline network that sources gas from the fields of in the south of the country. Turkmenistan has two pipelines to export gas to Iran. Both were built after independence in 1991, and could carry up to a combined 20 bcm. Since January 2017, when the Turkmen government made good on a threat to cut off Iran over unpaid bills for gas, almost no gas has been shipped through these pipelines. The first task is to perform maintenance, repairs, and upgrades on these pipelines so that Turkmenistan can physically send 10 bcm of gas to Iran. The Iranian pipeline to Iraq is functional. Iran was exporting gas to Iraq, but international sanctions on Iran hindered Iraq’s ability to pay for that gas. Prior to the agreement with Iraq, Turkmenistan signed a contract in early July 2024 with Iranian officials for the transfer of gas. It is unclear how far along Turkmenistan is in performing its pipeline...

XI Jinping’s Five Points: How China Is Looking To Reshape Central Asia

The second China-Central Asia summit on June 17, held in Astana, Kazakhstan, underscored the strengthening ties between China and the region. This event marked a significant milestone in solidifying the China-Central Asia cooperation framework with the signing of the Treaty on Eternal Good-Neighborliness, Friendship, and Cooperation. Experts note that Central Asian countries, once unable to adopt an intra-regional treaty, collectively reached this broader agreement with China. The summit also featured a range of side events, including the Energy Forum “Energy of Central Asia - China,” the Forum on Humanitarian Exchange, the Second Forum on Industrial and Investment Cooperation, and the Central Asia-China Business Council meeting, among others. These gatherings highlighted cooperation in energy, trade, and cultural exchange, reflecting China’s deepening influence in the region. Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev praised China’s approach to equal partnership, stating that relations between the two nations are “stable and free from the negative impacts of geopolitical challenges and shocks as well as the international circumstances. China has never imposed any political conditions regarding cooperation with Kazakhstan.” “This is a very important point, Kazakhstani Sinologist Adil Kaukenov explained, “as the head of state, being at the forefront of Kazakhstan's foreign and domestic policies, faces political games, manipulation, and pressure at various levels, which require considerable restraint, experience as a statesman, and popular support to overcome.” During the summit, the heads of the Central Asian states articulated their priorities for cooperation with China. Kazakhstan emphasized projects like the creation of a joint cargo terminal in the port of Kuryk on the Caspian Sea, cooperation in the fields of nuclear energy and artificial intelligence, and counteracting international cybercrime. Kyrgyzstan focused on security, transport, e-commerce, energy, and tourism. Tajikistan prioritized industrial development, trade, food security, and green economy initiatives. Uzbekistan, meanwhile, sought the further integration of Afghanistan into the region, and proposed an “Electronic Silk Road” trade platform, and the development of a long-term strategy called the “Central Asia-China Industrial and Infrastructure Belt.” Chinese President Xi Jinping used his address to outline five key points that shape China’s vision for the future of its relationship with Central Asia. “Our cooperation is rooted in more than two thousand years of friendly relations, consolidated by the solidarity and mutual trust that has been established for 30 years since the establishment of diplomatic relations, and has made great progress thanks to mutually beneficial cooperation in the new era,” Xi stated in his keynote speech. According to Xi, China considers Central Asia one of the priorities of its foreign policy, and this building of peaceful, inclusive partnerships was marked by the historical milestone of the signing of the treaty at the summit. “We will improve the architecture of cooperation, which is characterized by pragmatism, efficiency, and deep integration,” the Chinese president said, adding that 2025–2026 have been declared the Years of High-Quality Development of China-Central Asia Cooperation. This initiative will focus on trade, transport connectivity, green energy, agriculture, and technology. Notably, China pledged 1.5 billion yuan ($208 million) in grants for projects aimed...

Citizens of Central Asia Face New Entry Restrictions To Russia and the U.S.

Citizens of Central Asian countries are encountering a wave of new travel restrictions from two major global powers, Russia and the United States. In recent weeks, Moscow and Washington have both introduced or expanded measures that complicate entry for citizens of the region, raising concerns about migration rights, bilateral relations, and regional security. Russia Tightens Border Rules Starting June 30, 2025, citizens from visa-free countries, including Kazakhstan, will be required to obtain a special QR code to enter Russia. The code must be secured in advance via the Gosuslugi RuID app, at least 72 hours before travel, or four hours in emergency cases. The app is not yet operational, but Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin has confirmed its planned launch on the same date. While Russia maintains visa-free arrangements with over 30 countries, including Argentina, Brazil, Israel, and all CIS members, these new digital entry requirements apply broadly. Exceptions include citizens of countries already subject to visa regimes, diplomats, and citizens of Belarus, a Union State member. Additionally, as of January 1, 2025, the allowable visa-free stay in Russia for citizens of these countries has been reduced from 90 days per half-year to 90 days per calendar year. Many Kazakhstani travelers fear that the new rules will result in long queues and technical delays at border crossings. More broadly, critics point out that the move undermines the spirit of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), whose member states, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Armenia, Belarus, and Russia, are supposed to enjoy facilitated mobility. Response to the Crocus City Hall Attack The changes come in the wake of the March 22, 2024 terrorist attack at Moscow’s Crocus City Hall, which left at least 145 dead and more than 500 injured. The suspects in the attack were reportedly citizens of Tajikistan, sparking a wave of anti-migrant sentiment in Russia. According to Temur Umarov, a Berlin-based political analyst at the Carnegie Center, Russian authorities are prioritizing security over economic necessity. "Russia is doing everything possible to reduce the number of migrants from Central Asia," he said, noting the vital role these workers play in several Russian industries. Regional Backlash Public figures and officials in Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan have expressed frustration over Russia’s tightened migration policy. In Kyrgyzstan, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs lodged a formal protest with the Russian ambassador following a widely publicized incident in which Kyrgyz citizens were forcibly removed from a Moscow bathhouse. Member of Parliament Zhana Akayev strongly condemned the treatment of Kyrgyz nationals: “Partners and allies do not behave like this. They are humiliating our citizens,” he said. Tajik Foreign Minister Sirojiddin Muhriddin criticized Russia’s approach as inhumane and called for migration policies that respect mutual interests and fundamental rights. In Uzbekistan, several bloggers have gone further, calling for entry bans on Russian public figures, including Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova, for alleged chauvinistic remarks. Kazakhstan has taken a more measured stance. Aibek Smadiyarov, a spokesman for the Kazakh Foreign Ministry, emphasized that the QR code system does not constitute a...