Turkmenistan Local Politics - The Times Of Central Asia

Viewing results 43 - 48 of 141

Identity

Only Turkmen Names Allowed

Ethnic minorities in Turkmenistan are reportedly being told they must give their newborn children tradition Turkmen names. The process of “Turkmenization” has been underway in Turkmenistan for many years, but until recently it had not affected the proper names of non-Turkmen citizens. According to a recent report from Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty’s Turkmen service, known locally as Azatlyk, officials in the eastern Lebap Province were previously urging the Uzbek and Tajik communities in the province to give their newborns Turkmen names. Now this is no longer a suggestion, but a requirement. Lebap borders Uzbekistan. Many Uzbeks and Tajiks lived in this area long before Soviet mapmakers finally drew borders that after the collapse of the USSR in late 1991 became the frontier of Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Turkmenistan for Turkmen [caption id="attachment_30930" align="aligncenter" width="1115"] stat.gov.tm[/caption] The credibility of official statistics from the Turkmen government has been called into question many times over the years, and the size and ethnic make-up of the population are no exception. According to the most recent census figures (released in 2023), Turkmenistan’s population is just over seven million people, though the real figure is almost certainly less than that, and could be as low as four or five million. Turkmenistan has been experiencing significant economic problems for some ten years, and many citizens have left the country. For example, as of December 2024, more than 205,000 Turkmen citizens are officially registered as living In Turkey, and that figure could be three times higher or more, including those Turkmen citizens who are illegally residing there. The census released by the Turkmen authorities lists the populations of 14 specific ethnic minority groups. Roughly one million Turkmen citizens are ethnic minorities. The top three are Uzbeks, numbering 642,476, Russians, 114,447, and Baluch, 87,503. These figures might be lower soon, however, at least officially. Authorities in Lebap are also reportedly recommending people from non-Turkmen groups give their nationality as Turkmen in their documents. Being an ethnic Turkmen matters when seeking employment in Turkmenistan, so there is an added incentive for minorities to claim they are Turkmen in official documents. Turkmenistan would not be the first country in Central Asia to have rules on naming newborns. Authorities in Tajikistan banned children from being given foreign names some eight years ago. The Language and Terminology Committee of Tajikistan’s Academy of Science produced a list of more than 3,000 approved Tajik names for children; however, that rule applies only to ethnic Tajiks. Minority groups in Tajikistan are free to name their children as they wish. Azatlyk reports that the authorities are also warning ethnic Turkmen about giving their children non-Turkmen names. Turkish names were becoming popular among Turkmen in Turkmenistan, and some Turkmen families living near Uzbekistan were giving their children Uzbek names. The difficulties in obtaining information from Turkmenistan make it difficult to know if the naming policy being enforced in Lebap exists in other parts of the country. Turkmenistan’s government has, to the greatest extent possible, sealed the country off from...

Child Labor

Forced and Child Labor Persist in Turkmen Cotton Harvest, UN Experts Say

The International Labour Organization (ILO), a United Nations agency focused on labor rights, has confirmed cases of forced labor involving public sector employees and children during Turkmenistan’s 2024 cotton harvest, despite a formal government ban introduced in July of that year. Public Sector Employees and Children Sent to the Fields According to the ILO’s findings, employees of state institutions, including kindergartens, schools, and hospitals, were mobilized for cotton picking alongside children. These violations occurred even after the official prohibition on such practices was enacted. During a visit to Turkmenistan in autumn 2024, ILO experts found that around 20% of surveyed farmers admitted to employing public sector workers. This included both technical staff, such as cleaners, and professionals like nurses, doctors, and educators. Over one-third of public sector employees reported facing pressure from management to participate in the harvest, with threats of wage cuts or dismissal. The ILO categorized these practices as a form of “psychological coercion.” Minors in the Fields, Women Dominate the Labor Force Despite the legal ban on child labor, 14% of surveyed government workers and 11% of farmers confirmed the involvement of minors in cotton picking. The report links this to poor socio-economic conditions in rural areas, low-income levels, unemployment, and prevailing cultural expectations. Women accounted for over 90% of all cotton pickers in 2024. The average working day lasted 8.5 hours, often extending beyond that. Approximately 80% of pickers had no written employment contracts, exposing them to potential exploitation. Many reported being forced to accept whatever terms their employers offered. While in 2023 only 12% of pickers earned more than one Turkmen manat per kilogram of cotton, this figure rose to over 70% in 2024. Nevertheless, experts noted that pay remained unstable, with widespread delays and opaque compensation practices. Obstacles for Observers, Risk of Sanctions The ILO conducted monitoring at 472 cotton plantations across Turkmenistan, interviewing 1,762 pickers, 472 farmers, and 2,500 public officials. However, the report notes that in some instances, officials and farmers attempted to obstruct monitoring efforts, interfering with observers and misrepresenting facts. While the ILO acknowledged government efforts to ban child labor and reduce coercion, it warned that the absence of effective oversight mechanisms continues to enable violations. “Risks remain, especially when there are threats of dismissal or fines for refusing to go into the field,” the report states. International Repercussions Loom Under newly adopted European Union regulations banning imports of goods produced using forced labor, Turkmen cotton exports could face restrictions. In November 2024, EU officials discussed a potential ban on imports of Turkmen cotton for this reason. The ILO report underscores that sustainable reform is only achievable through transparent oversight, full respect for human rights, and the complete elimination of coercive labor practices for both adults and children.

Government

Power Shifts in Central Asia: The Unpredictable Path of Leadership

European Union Commissioner for International Partnerships Josef Sikela has concluded his tour of Central Asia, a visit conducted against the backdrop of global geopolitical turbulence. Unlike previous engagements, where European officials often criticized the region’s leadership for a lack of democratic progress, Sikela refrained from making demands on local governments. Historically, Europe has accused Central Asian states of authoritarianism and the entrenchment of long-serving leaders. However, the idea that power is uniquely permanent in the region is increasingly questioned. Critics point to Western examples, such as Angela Merkel’s 16-year tenure as Germany’s chancellor, and alleged electoral manipulation within the EU, such as in Romania, where elections were annulled after an undesired candidate’s victory. Meanwhile, in Central Asia, even presidents once considered “eternal” have eventually left office, sometimes peacefully, sometimes under turbulent conditions. Kyrgyzstan: The Unpredictable Outlier Kyrgyzstan is often described as a "democratic exception" within Central Asia, yet its history is marked by political instability and frequent leadership changes, arguably more so than in many of the world’s most conflict-prone regions. The country’s first president, Askar Akayev, held power from 1990 to 2005. Though re-elected three times, his rule ended in March 2005 when protests erupted over parliamentary election results that heavily favored pro-government candidates. Demonstrators stormed the Government House in Bishkek, prompting Akayev to flee. Reports, though unverified, claimed he was smuggled out wrapped in a carpet. Following Akayev’s ouster, Kurmanbek Bakiyev took power, but his rule ended in 2010 after violent unrest. His downfall was allegedly facilitated by Kazakhstan’s intelligence services, and he later found political asylum in Belarus under President Alexander Lukashenko. Since Bakiyev’s departure, Kyrgyzstan has continued to experience political turbulence. Presidents Almazbek Atambayev (2010-2017) and Sooronbai Jeenbekov (2017-2020) both left office under pressure. Atambayev’s tenure saw a diplomatic fallout with Kazakhstan, while Jeenbekov resigned in 2020 amid protests over parliamentary elections. His successor, Sadyr Japarov, remains in office, but whether he will complete his term is an open question. Uzbekistan: Reform Within Limits Islam Karimov, Uzbekistan’s first post-Soviet leader, ruled for over 26 years before his death in 2016. While he maintained a strictly centralized government, his tenure was also marked by violent crackdowns, most notably the Andijan uprising in 2005, which resulted in a Western diplomatic fallout. His successor, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, has introduced some reforms, loosening restrictions on civil liberties and the economy. However, the fundamental structure of state control remains intact, with opposition movements still tightly monitored. Kazakhstan: From Nazarbayev to Tokayev Kazakhstan’s transition from Nursultan Nazarbayev to Kassym-Jomart Tokayev is often described as managed succession rather than a genuine power shift. Nazarbayev, who led Kazakhstan for nearly three decades, officially stepped down in 2019, yet retained significant influence until the January 2022 unrest, which forced him to relinquish much of his remaining power. These protests, initially sparked by fuel price hikes, rapidly escalated into anti-government riots. While official accounts describe the unrest as an attempted coup orchestrated by figures within Nazarbayev’s inner circle, critics suggest Tokayev used the crisis to consolidate power....

Military Conscription

Turkmenistan Plans to Raise Conscription Age

Turkmenistan plans to raise the age of military conscription from 27 to 30, Turkmen News reports. A decree has reportedly been prepared, but President Serdar Berdimuhamedov has yet to sign it. Avoiding the draft in Turkmenistan is difficult. Men who study abroad must report to military office upon their return. Without a military ID, they face restrictions on employment, housing, and official registration. Since late December 2024, reports have indicated that military offices have largely stopped issuing “white tickets” - documents that confirm an individual's fitness for service without requiring enlistment. This policy shift leaves potential conscripts with fewer options: staying abroad leaves them in legal limbo while returning home runs the risk of immediate conscription. The Turkmen army has long struggled with a shortage of soldiers. Changing conscription rules appears to be an attempt to bolster the ranks, but it may only deepen young men’s reluctance to serve. Conscripts often endure poor living conditions, inadequate supplies, and mistreatment by senior soldiers. Corruption remains a significant issue, with funds allegedly being misappropriated and discipline deteriorating. Defense Minister Begench Gundogdyev has been criticized for failing to address these problems. In other Central Asian countries, such as Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, the conscription age remains at 27.

Media

Turkmen Civil Servants Could Lose Jobs for Misusing Newspapers with Pictures of Berdimuhamedovs

Authorities in Turkmenistan have warned civil servants that they could face dismissal for misusing state newspapers featuring images of President Serdar Berdimuhamedov and his father, former President Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov. Officials have been explicitly banned from using these newspapers as toilet paper, food packaging, or firewood. Government employees are now required to sign pledges to “carefully keep the pages” containing photographs of the ruling family. According to civil servants, they have been instructed to ensure that images of the Berdimuhamedovs do not end up in the trash or repurposed for household use. Authorities are reportedly even considering introducing QR codes on each page of newspapers to track subscribers and monitor how printed materials are used. “Now we are afraid that children might accidentally tear or throw away a newspaper with the president’s image - because you can lose your job for that,” said one civil servant, who spoke anonymously for fear of reprisals. Human rights organizations, including Reporters Without Borders (RSF), consistently rank Turkmenistan among the world’s worst countries for press freedom. Since Serdar Berdimuhamedov succeeded his father as president in 2022, the country’s media environment has remained tightly controlled. Despite officially stepping down, Berdimuhamedov Sr. continues to wield significant influence over decision-making in the government.

Cultural Heritage

19th-Century Historic Building Under Demolition in Turkmenistan

The demolition of a 19th-century historic building, formerly the History and Local History Museum and originally a Shiite mosque named after Haji Myalik, has begun in the city of Turkmenabat. Constructed in the 19th century, this architectural landmark was a vital part of Turkmenabat's cultural heritage for decades. The building served as a museum starting in 1967, but in 2011, after more than 40 years, its exhibitions were relocated to a new facility built specifically for that purpose. Despite the building’s historical significance, local authorities opted against restoration or handing it over to the Muftiyat (the official Islamic authority) and instead decided to demolish it. A Unique Architectural Legacy The architectural design of the former Haji Myalik Mosque was distinctive and highly regarded in the region. Tourist guides described it as one of Turkmenabat's most striking landmarks. The facade featured intricate brickwork, three semicircular arches, a prominent high portal, and two small towers capped with pointed domes in Ottoman architectural style. On the right side of the facade stood a minaret with a metal dome, once the tallest vantage point in Chardjui (the historic name of Turkmenabat). Today, this iconic structure is being dismantled piece by piece. The roof has already been removed, and the demolition process is ongoing. A Worrying Trend The demolition of historic buildings in Turkmenistan is not a new phenomenon and has raised alarm among residents and cultural heritage experts. In Ashgabat, the capital, numerous old buildings of historical and cultural importance have been destroyed over the years. Notable examples include the buildings of Karakumstroy, Hotel Turkmenistan, the Turkmenhovayollary Department, and the public garden featuring a monument to N. Aitakov. [caption id="attachment_27727" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Ashgabat- A row of marble towers in Berzengi; image: TCA, Stephen M. Bland[/caption] A moderately young metropolis, its appellation meaning "City of Love" in Persian, Ashgabat developed around a Russian garrison during the 1880s. Leveled in the earthquake of 1948, prefab Soviet blocks soon sprung from the debris. Shaping his vision, former President Niyazov had these kommunalkas torn down and replaced by boxy, flat-topped marble towers with dazzling, reflective windows. Largely of a uniform eleven storys, their showy ostentation lacks any semblance of functionality, with endless ministry buildings standing unoccupied, overpriced residential blocks home to the affluent few. In 2021, authorities began demolishing four-story residential buildings at the intersection of Turkmenbashi and Atamurat Niyazov avenues, a move that drew criticism from citizens. Experts warn that such actions could result in the irreversible loss of the country’s unique architectural heritage. As the dismantling of the former Haji Myalik Mosque continues, concerns grow about the preservation of Turkmenistan's historic and cultural landmarks, many of which are disappearing under the pressure of modernization.