• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10456 0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10456 0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10456 0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10456 0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10456 0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10456 0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10456 0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10456 0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 155

Turkmenistan Promotes Tourism Abroad — While Keeping Its Borders Closed

Turkmen authorities are preparing to host an international tourism forum, once again emphasizing the sector’s potential. However, the reality appears less optimistic. The number of foreign visitors remains extremely low, while a strict visa regime continues to deter not only tourists but also business travellers. The Turkmen Travel international forum and exhibition is scheduled to take place in Ashgabat from April 14 to 16. Preparations are reportedly being carried out at a high level. Deputy Prime Minister for Culture, Bahar Seydova, briefed officials on the event, and President Serdar Berdimuhamedov has instructed organizers to present the country’s tourism potential in a dignified manner. At the same time, a paradoxical situation has emerged. Despite the construction of modern hotels in Ashgabat and the Avaza tourist zone, the opening of new airports, and the hosting of international events, foreign tourists visit Turkmenistan extremely rarely. Even travellers with a genuine interest in the country frequently encounter significant visa restrictions. According to sources, these challenges affect not only tourists. Representatives of international companies also face lengthy and complicated entry procedures. Market participants note that interest in Turkmenistan does exist. A representative of a travel agency in Ashgabat said that combined tours of Central Asia remain popular among tourists from China, the U.S., European countries, Australia, South America, and Russia. By 2024, demand for trips to Turkmenistan had increased by about 50% compared with the 2018-2020 period. Nevertheless, actual visitor numbers remain very low. Strict entry rules are also affecting business activity. For example, in February 2024, specialists from South Korea’s Hyundai Engineering were unable to arrive in Turkmenistan on time to carry out restoration work at the polymer plant in Kiyanly following an accident. Their visas were delayed due to bureaucratic procedures. Such cases are reported to occur regularly. While the state is seeking to attract foreign companies to major projects, it often fails to provide basic conditions for their operations. Against this backdrop, calls to reconsider current policies are becoming more frequent. Without a more open approach, Turkmenistan may struggle not only to increase tourist arrivals but also to support broader economic development.

Turkmenistan’s Army Facing a Growing Exodus of Personnel

Turkmenistan’s Ministry of Defense is attempting to halt mass resignations among officers. Military personnel who have left their units without permission are being offered the opportunity to return to service on the condition that they are transferred to their home region. However, this measure has so far produced little effect and does not address the army’s core problems. Turkmenistan’s Minister of Defense, Begench Gundogdyyev, has sought to revise the government’s approach to the personnel crisis in the armed forces. At a meeting with unit commanders reviewing the results of the first two months of 2026, he addressed the issue of widespread officer resignations. Several commanders reportedly asked him to approve discharge requests for subordinates who had not reported to their units for an extended period. According to a source cited by turkmen.news, the minister reacted sharply and stated that he would not sign any such documents. “Lock them up in the armoury if you must, but don’t let them leave the army,” the source quoted him as saying. A few days after the meeting, some officers reportedly received phone calls from the Ministry of Defense offering them the chance to return to duty. In exchange, they were promised transfers to their home region. Such a practice had not existed previously. Since Soviet times, military personnel were typically assigned to serve in regions other than their own so that, in the event of unrest, they would defend state authority rather than side with local populations. Now, an exception has been made for those seeking discharge after leaving their units without permission, in some cases for more than a year. However, according to sources, almost no one has accepted the offer, and the number of officers wishing to leave the army continues to grow. Officers cite housing as the main problem. Two years ago, a ministerial order abolished the option to privatize service housing, which had previously been available based on length of service. Following this decision, the outflow of personnel reportedly intensified. About a year ago, the Ministry of Defense proposed that officers purchase newly built apartments with their own funds, requiring them to cover 100% of the cost while also prohibiting subsequent resale. Many officers view these conditions as unreasonable. According to them, several years of work abroad, for example in Russia, make it possible to save enough money to buy a home, a car, and secure their children’s future. Military personnel also report insufficient pay, hazing, and corruption affecting not only conscripts but officers as well. As a result, some officers who are unable to formally resign reportedly remain in service until retirement age. Sources claim that morale and discipline in the armed forces have deteriorated to such an extent that any conflict with commanders can prompt an officer to submit a resignation request and stop reporting for duty. The problems facing Turkmenistan’s armed forces come amid broader regional tensions. On February 27, Pakistan’s defense minister, Khawaja Asif, announced what he described as the start of an “open war”...

Turkmen Arkadag Without “Unnecessary” People: Crackdown on Residents Without Jobs or Registration Intensifies

The “smart” city of Arkadag, developed at the initiative of Turkmenistan’s National Leader Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, has once again become the focus of a campaign to “clean up” its population, according to Turkmen.news. Local officials are reportedly conducting apartment inspections to identify residents who do not hold official employment in the city. Inspectors are said to be focusing on three main criteria: possession of a local residence permit, confirmed employment in Arkadag, and the degree of kinship with the property owner. The legal basis for these inspections remains unclear, but reports indicate that authorities are taking a strict approach, requiring individuals who do not meet the criteria to vacate their accommodation immediately. According to informal rules described by sources, a “proper” resident of Arkadag must be employed and registered at their actual place of residence. Only immediate family members, spouses, children, and parents are permitted to live together. Brothers, sisters, and more distant relatives residing in the same apartment may face eviction. A local source stated that even individuals officially employed in Arkadag but registered in another region may face restrictions. For example, a person who has secured employment in the city but is temporarily staying with a sibling could be required to return to their place of permanent registration and commute daily. The same restrictions reportedly apply to students. Those enrolled at the International Academy of Horse Breeding and vocational institutions are permitted to reside only in dormitories and may not live with relatives, including close family members. Legally renting accommodation in Arkadag is described as virtually impossible. Property owners are not issued permits authorizing them to lease apartments, resulting in an informal rental market. As a consequence, renters cannot obtain temporary registration, and no tax payments are made on rental income. This situation leaves newcomers in what sources describe as a legal vacuum: they may be able to secure employment but lack lawful housing options. Formally, purchasing an apartment is presented as the only pathway to full residency in the city. Individuals employed in Arkadag may qualify for a mortgage, but strict conditions apply. Authorities reportedly verify that applicants do not hold permanent registration elsewhere. An initial down payment of 10% of the property value, estimated at approximately $2,000-$3,000, is required. In addition, sources allege that intermediaries demand unofficial payments ranging from $2,000 to $4,000 to facilitate mortgage approval. Similar practices have been reported in Ashgabat in recent years. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, ahead of the 30th anniversary of Turkmenistan’s neutrality, inspections targeting visitors from other regions intensified in the capital. Witness accounts at the time described interrogations at checkpoints, alleged physical abuse, and raids at locations where day laborers gather. Developments in Arkadag suggest that comparable internal migration controls may now be taking shape in the newly built city. Arkadag was conceived as a symbol of modernity and national pride; the reported controls suggest it is also emerging as a laboratory for managing who is permitted to belong.

Analysis: Three Decades of Parliamentary Reform in Central Asia — and What Changed

Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev announced his reform plans on January 20, including structural changes to the government. Arguably, one of the least consequential of those changes is replacing the current bicameral parliament with a unicameral parliament. Across Central Asia, over the last 35 years, parliaments have repeatedly switched from unicameral to bicameral parliaments, or vice versa, the number of deputies has increased and decreased, and in some cases, parallel bodies have come into existence and later disappeared. Kazakhstan When the Soviet Union collapsed in late 1991, each of the former republics, including the Central Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, had a unicameral, republican Supreme Soviet elected in 1990. These Supreme Soviets continued functioning after independence until 1994, and in the case of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, until 1995. In Kazakhstan, in December 1993, the majority of the 360 deputies in the Supreme Soviet voted to dissolve the body. In March 1994, there were elections to the new parliament (Supreme Kenges) that had 177 seats. During the tumultuous year of 1995, the parliament was dissolved by then-President Nursultan Nazarbayev, who ruled by decree until snap parliamentary elections in December of that year. However, on August 29, 1995, voters approved a new constitution in a national referendum. That constitution created a bicameral parliament with 67 deputies in the Mazhilis, the lower house, and 50 deputies in the Senate, 10 of them directly appointed by the president. Deputies to the Mazhilis were chosen in popular elections. Senators were chosen in indirect elections involving deputies from local, provincial, and municipal councils of large cities. In the snap parliamentary elections of October 1999, 10 seats were added and chosen by party lists, while the original 67 continued to be contested in single-mandate districts. That structure lasted until 2007. Constitutional amendments adopted in late May that year increased the number of seats in the Mazhilis to 107, of which 98 were to be chosen by party lists. Nazarbayev’s Nur-Otan party won all 98 of the party list seats in the August elections. The remaining nine representatives came from the Assembly of Peoples of Kazakhstan, a group representing the various ethnic groups in Kazakhstan that Nazarbayev created in 1995. Eight additional members of the Assembly were given seats in the Senate. The Assembly held its own elections to fill those seats. Kazakhstan conducted a constitutional referendum in June 2022, in part aimed at mollifying discontent that lingered from the mass unrest in early January that year, which left 238 people dead. Some amendments stripped away powers in the executive branch that had accumulated during the 28 years Nazarbayev was president, and more power was given to parliament. Another amendment removed the nine Mazhilis seats reserved for members of the Assembly of Peoples of Kazakhstan. One amendment reduced the number of Senate members appointed by the president back to 10, after it had been raised to 15 under a 2007 amendment. Kyrgyzstan A referendum in Kyrgyzstan on constitutional amendments in October 1994 created a bicameral...

In Turkmenistan, Government Offices Charge Citizens for Blank Sheets of Paper

In government offices across Turkmenistan, the provision of routine documents is increasingly accompanied not only by official service fees but also by unofficial, unrecorded charges. While these corrupt schemes are nominally presented as “paper fees,” in practice they have become an expected and often unavoidable part of the process. The practice of bribery is not new to Turkmenistan’s public sector. Citizens seeking almost any type of certificate typically pay not only the state-mandated fee but also an unofficial surcharge, money that is not documented on receipts or in public accounts. A particularly telling example is the issuance of marital status certificates at the Ashgabat Registry Office. Just a few years ago, such a certificate cost the equivalent of $2.90 and could be processed in two days. Today, the official fee has increased to $4.20. But the total cost is often higher due to what staff describe as a payment for the sheet of paper used in the application process. The process typically unfolds as follows: visitors are directed by an employee to one of three service windows. There, they are informed of the official fee and instructed where to make the payment. After paying, they return to the same window, where they are handed a blank sheet of paper and asked to sign it, along with a request for an additional $2.90 to cover the application preparation. Sample application forms are posted on the office walls, and, in theory, visitors could fill out their own forms. However, blank sheets are not made freely available. Those who bring their own paper in advance can complete the process at no extra cost. But most visitors, assuming their official payment covers all necessary services, arrive empty-handed. At that point, they are left with few choices: pay the extra fee, leave the office to find a single sheet of paper, or purchase an entire pack, which can cost up to $26.10, an unreasonable expense for a one-time need. Given the long queues at the registry office, most citizens choose convenience over principle and pay the additional $2.90. Over time, this has turned informal paper charges into a de facto component of the bureaucratic process. The total revenue generated through these payments remains unknown and unaccounted for. But for many visitors, the priority is obtaining their documents without further delay. What was once seen as irregular has become normalized, a silent, systemic practice that continues to operate in plain sight, without raising eyebrows.

Turkmenistan Marks 30 Years of Neutrality

On December 12, 2025, Turkmenistan marks the 30th anniversary of a UN decision granting Turkmenistan the status of a neutral country. Defining what “permanent neutrality” means for Turkmenistan is impossible, as it is a flexible term used to justify a range of policies, both domestic and foreign. This vague special status has not provided many benefits, but has helped Turkmenistan’s leadership isolate the country and create one of the most bizarre and repressive forms of government in the world today.   Last Item on the Day’s Agenda On Tuesday, December 12, 1995, the UN General Assembly’s (UNGA) 90th plenary meeting reconvened at 15:20 to consider items 57 to 81 on its agenda. Item 81 was the draft resolution on “permanent neutrality of Turkmenistan.” The UNGA president at that time, Freitas do Amaral, noted to the Assembly that the draft resolution “was adopted by the First Committee without a vote,” and asked if the Assembly wished “to do likewise.” The Assembly did, and after a few brief remarks about the next Assembly meeting on December 14, the session ended at 18:05. That is how the UN officially granted Turkmenistan the status of neutrality. A Great Event The passing of the resolution on Turkmenistan’s neutrality status might have been a case of going through the motions at the UN, but it was a huge event in Turkmenistan. Turkmenistan’s first president, Saparmurat Niyazov, had been campaigning internationally for his country to have “positive” neutrality status since 1992. After this was accomplished, Niyazov often proclaimed this special UN recognition as a great achievement for the country and for himself personally. [caption id="attachment_40725" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Ashgabat’s Independence Square, previously known as Neutrality Square and originally as Karl Marx Square; image: TCA, Stephen M. Bland[/caption] December 12 was quickly announced as a national holiday. On the first anniversary of the UN decision in 1996, the former Karl Marx Square in Ashgabat was renamed “Neutrality Square.” Shortly after, an olive branch motif was added to Turkmenistan’s national flag, symbolizing the country’s neutral status. In 1998, on the third anniversary of UN-recognized neutrality, the 75-meter-high Arch of Neutrality was unveiled in Ashgabat. A 12-meter gold statue of Niyazov that rotated to face the direction of the sun crowned the structure. Niyazov died in December 2006, and in 2010, the Arch of Neutrality was moved from the city center to the outskirts of the Turkmen capital and unveiled again on December 12, 2011. It has been undergoing renovation and will be unveiled yet again on the 30th anniversary of neutrality. [caption id="attachment_40726" align="aligncenter" width="2099"] Former-President Niyazov's likeness atop the Arch of Neutrality; image: TCA, Stephen M. Bland[/caption] In 2002, Niyazov pushed through a law changing the names of the months of the year and days of the week. December became “Bitaraplyk,” the Turkmen word for neutrality, and continued to officially be called that until 2008, when Niyazov’s successor finally revoked the changes and restored the traditional names. That successor, Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, embraced the special permanent neutrality status and, in...