Our People > Joe Luc Barnes

Joe Luc Barnes

Regional Editor and Journalist

Joe Luc Barnes is a British journalist and author who focuses on the countries of the former Soviet Union. He has a Master’s degree in Russian and East European Politics from the University of Oxford. His book, “Farewell to Russia: A Journey Through The Former USSR”, will be published by Elliott and Thompson in Spring 2026.

Articles

Almaty Gears Up to Host Real Madrid’s Galácticos

Football fans across Kazakhstan are preparing for arguably the biggest sporting occasion in the country’s history on Tuesday. Kairat Almaty play their first ever home Champions League game against the mighty Real Madrid at the Almaty Central Stadium. The arrival of Madrid’s Galácticos has electrified the city, with fans camping outside the Intercontinental Hotel in Almaty just to catch a glimpse of the visiting superstars. Kairat lost their first match 4-1 to Sporting Lisbon, a scoreline that the management felt didn’t do justice to a spirited performance. “The team lost focus for about five minutes, conceding three goals, but never gave up and scored a goal in the Champions League – the first in our club’s history. That experience is valuable,” Kairat Boranbaev, the club’s president, told The Times of Central Asia at the club’s training complex this week. “We understand that the Champions League has the 36 best teams in Europe, so the level is extremely high. We don’t stress about the result; the team gains huge experience.” Boranbaev said, proudly adding that six Kairat academy products played in the match. [caption id="attachment_36737" align="aligncenter" width="1600"] Kairat Almaty President, Kairat Boranbaev; image: TCA, Joe Luc Barnes[/caption] A Ten-Year Journey The fifty-nine-year-old president and business magnate is not surprised his club has reached the higher echelons of European football. “This strategic work was built more than ten years ago, and we have been moving toward it all these years. I think it’s a natural result, a systematic effort by our club.” Boranbaev says that when he took over the club’s presidency in 2012, the facilities were well below par. Kairat is traditionally Kazakhstan’s most storied club, their famed black-and-yellow jerseys representing all-Kazakhstan in the Soviet Top League in the communist years. But they had fallen on hard times in the independence era, even splitting into two rival clubs for a time. “When we arrived, there was only one burned-down base from Soviet times,” Boranbaev told TCA. “We started developing, learning what football really is. Today, all the infrastructure is established, youth player development is in place, and the coaching staff training is organized. That’s why the results we’ve achieved today are the outcome of years of stable, professional management.” [caption id="attachment_36738" align="aligncenter" width="1600"] Kairat Almaty's third qualifying round tie against Slovan Bratislava; image: TCA, Joe Luc Barnes[/caption] Nurturing Youth Kairat differs from other Kazakh teams in the emphasis they place on their academy. While clubs such as FK Astana and Aktobe often import talent rather than investing in grassroots football, Kairat aims to develop its own. The club’s most famous academy product is seventeen-year-old Dastan Satpaev, who will move to London side Chelsea upon turning eighteen. But during TCA’s tour of the stadium complex, we bump into the club’s newest teenage star, Sherhan Kalmurza, the eighteen-year-old goalkeeper who has been catapulted into the first XI due to injuries to other senior players. “He’s become famous,” booms Boranbaev. “He now has 40,000 Instagram followers after just two games!” Kairat’s president notes that...

9 months ago

Manas Rising: Jalal-Abad Renaming Crowns Central Position in Kyrgyz Development Plans

On September 18, the President of Kyrgyzstan, Sadyr Japarov, signed into law the renaming of the country’s third-largest city, Jalal-Abad. From September 28, it will be known as Manas. This decision marks an escalation in the attention lavished on the city over the past half-decade, with a surge of infrastructure and construction projects. Indeed, rumors abound that the renaming may be just the beginning, perhaps laying the groundwork to shift the capital south. Rapid Development Jalal-Abad lies nestled in the Fergana Valley in Kyrgyzstan’s south, not far from the Uzbek border. Locals describe it as a politically active city and region, one that has nurtured many ambitious southern politicians. These include former President Kurmanbek Bakiev, perennial oppositionist Omurbek Tekebayev, now ambassador to Germany, and Kamchybek Tashiyev, the powerful head of the security services, widely known by their Russian acronym, the GKNB. It is the influence of Tashiyev that has led many to suspect Jalal-Abad has been the focus of special attention. Tashiyev hails from the village of Barpy, nearby in the Jalal-Abad region. In much the same way that Tajikistan’s president Emomali Rahmon has beautified his home village of Danghara, making it a provincial capital, and Uzbekistan’s Shavkat Mirziyoyev has steered investment such as the new BYD factory to his home region of Jizzakh, so too do Kyrgyz leaders seek to channel resources to their native provinces. “One thing you notice immediately is the amount of construction here,” a local resident, Saeed, told The Times of Central Asia. “You can see as you travel around the city, so much land is being prepared for new buildings.” In 2023, the city was singled out by President Sadyr Japarov as Kyrgyzstan’s future “second economic hub”. Two billion som ($22.9 million) were allocated to improve its infrastructure. One of the first steps was demolishing a large prison in the city center to make way for redevelopment. Other projects underway include a new regional airport, being built by China State Construction Engineering Corporation, around 20 kilometers from the city center. There has been an emphasis on public services, including a recently opened children’s hospital and a planned seven-storey, 280-bed medical facility. But Saeed is more excited about cultural projects. “We’ve also got a new Barcelona football academy here,” he said. “Even Bishkek doesn't have a Barcelona academy!” The city is also set to be one of the main hubs of the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway, which will bring goods directly from China’s Xinjiang Province without passing through Kazakhstan. Another local commentator, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said that the Chinese presence in the city has also grown markedly in recent years. “It’s not only construction workers. Before, we didn't have so many Chinese restaurants. Now, Jalal-Abad has genuinely popular Chinese restaurants. In the past, the Kyrgyz generally despised Chinese cuisine; it was too foreign. But nowadays, you see government workers and other businessmen visiting these restaurants alongside the Chinese and trying their food.” The grandest project of all has been the new city administration building....

9 months ago

Rail, Water, and Helicopters – Uzbekistan’s “Limited Recognition” of the Taliban

Uzbekistan has spent the middle of September embroiled in an increasingly tetchy press battle over an unusual topic: helicopters. The Taliban, who run the de facto government in Kabul, have long claimed that several dozen military aircraft and helicopters currently residing in Uzbekistan are rightfully theirs. On September 11, a Taliban official announced publicly that Uzbekistan had agreed to hand them back. This was reported widely in the regional media, with the Uzbek foreign ministry slow off the mark in denying these claims. The dispute goes back to the fall of Kabul in August 2021, when a total of 57 aircraft were flown from Afghanistan to Uzbekistan and Tajikistan as Ashraf Ghani’s government collapsed. “The helicopters came from the Afghan territory to Uzbek territory illegally, so actually we had the right to confiscate them,” Islomkhon Gafarov, an Afghanistan expert at the Center for Progressive Reform, a Tashkent think tank, told the Times of Central Asia. However, Gafarov adds that the aircraft were the property of the U.S. military loaned to the previous government of Afghanistan, and therefore, Washington will have a say in their return. This has not stopped the Taliban from continuing to demand the helicopters back for use in “humanitarian operations,” in the words of Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi. Such wrangling is part of the daily diplomatic in-tray for Tashkent when dealing with a neighbor whose government has not been recognized by almost the entire world. “Afghanistan is our neighbor,” said Gafarov. “According to the geopolitical situation, we have to conduct a dialogue with this government. It’s true, Uzbekistan hasn’t recognized the Taliban government, but de facto, we work with them; we’ve had diplomatic relations with them since 2018.” Tashkent certainly has reasons to work with the Taliban. Helicopters are a mere sideshow compared to two far larger issues that will define their relations for years to come: rail and water. Railway On the positive side of the ledger, the Taliban have brought to Afghanistan a reasonable degree of stability - enough to start contemplating large-scale infrastructure projects. In July, an agreement was struck between Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Uzbekistan to conduct a feasibility study for a trans-Afghanistan railway, with 647 kilometers of new track being laid to link Uzbekistan with Pakistan’s Indian Ocean ports. This railway could bring significant benefits to Uzbekistan, one of only two double-landlocked countries in the world. Currently, sea-bound exports must travel via Turkmenistan to Iran. Other routes almost all rely on going via Kazakhstan. The China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway, currently being constructed, should remove some of the need for sea-bound routes, but the Pakistan route would be faster. “The trans-Afghan route is the shortest way to the seaports of Karachi and Gwadar,” Gafarov told TCA. With a line from Termez, Uzbekistan, to Mazar-i-Sharif in Northern Afghanistan already operational, this only leaves two sections unbuilt - from Mazar to Kabul, and then from Kabul to Peshawar in Pakistan. The teams are still only at the feasibility stage right now, and have, with some chutzpah, predicted...

9 months ago

Has Kyrgyzstan Benefited From Its Membership of the EAEU?

On the sunlit shores of Lake Issyk-Kul this August, Kyrgyzstan played host to leaders from across the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). On August 14-15, officials from Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Russia descended on the resort town of Cholpon-Ata for a meeting of the Eurasian Intergovernmental Council, accompanied by ceremonies to mark a decade since Kyrgyzstan joined the Moscow-led economic bloc. The Kyrgyz government issued a commemorative stamp to celebrate the anniversary, while the guest of honor, Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin, arrived with pledges of deeper integration. Rosatom, Moscow’s nuclear agency, signed agreements to build Kyrgyzstan’s first wind farm near Issyk-Kul, while the union’s five governments also agreed to recognize each other’s digital documents, and talks continued on a long-awaited gas union. Mishustin also caused a stir on social media by addressing the Kyrgyz honor guard in their own language. The words “Salam Asker” (hello, soldiers) were enough to draw appreciation from a Kyrgyz society unused to hearing Russian politicians use any language but Russian in its former colonies. The flattery was all part of the choreography: in return, Kyrgyz government officials and state media fell in line to proclaim the benefits of EAEU membership. But have these benefits been worth it? Or has the EAEU merely tethered Bishkek to a partner whose grip is more suffocating than supportive? [caption id="attachment_35121" align="aligncenter" width="1600"] The Conference Hall at Cholpon-Ata, where the council meeting took place; image: Joe Luc Barnes[/caption] The Case for the Union Kyrgyz officials are keen to emphasize the upsides. In an interview with state mouthpiece Slovo.kg, former economic minister Arzybek Kozhoshev said that joining the bloc had eased conditions for Kyrgyz migrant laborers in Russia and Kazakhstan. “With the accession of the Kyrgyz Republic to the EAEU, the conditions of stay and work of citizens of the Kyrgyz Republic in other EAEU countries have changed significantly,” Kozhoshev said, highlighting simplified entry, no requirement to take a Russian language exam, equal access to health insurance, and even the right to draw pensions on par with local workers. For a country where remittances have accounted for around 25% GDP over the past decade, these measures are not insignificant. Kyrgyz drivers, once barred from operating commercial vehicles in Russia, now enjoy full rights. Digital labor platforms like Work Without Borders make it easier to find jobs, and migrant workers in Russia pay the same flat 13% tax as local workers. In short, for the hundreds of thousands of Kyrgyz toiling in Moscow, Novosibirsk, and Almaty, the EAEU has meant fewer hurdles and more predictability. It’s worth bearing in mind that other potential labor destinations, such as Korea, the United States, or the European Union, are not handing out hundreds of thousands of visas to Kyrgyz citizens every year. Kremlin officials have also stressed that Kyrgyzstan pays lower tariffs on Russian gas – only $150 per 1,000 cubic meters, due to its EAEU membership. That said, given Russia’s current oversupply of gas with the closure of the European market, this is not...

10 months ago

How Could the Armenia-Azerbaijan Peace Accord Benefit Central Asia?

On August 8, Armenia and Azerbaijan signed a peace accord in Washington and committed to the construction of the Trump Route for Peace and Prosperity, a trade route that bisects Armenia, connecting the two parts of Azerbaijan. The deal may have far-reaching repercussions on the other side of the Caspian, potentially diversifying the Trans-Caspian Middle Corridor by allowing travel from Azerbaijan, through Armenia, and onwards to Turkey. The upbeat mood music may be premature, however. There remain numerous political hurdles to be jumped before any construction can commence, and the entry of the United States into a region where Russia, Iran, and Turkey all have interests could have unintended consequences. “It’s certainly an opportunity, but there are risks,” said Azerbaijani political analyst and non-resident fellow at the China-Global South Project, Yunis Sharifli. “The United States can be a stabilizing force, but it could go in the opposite direction. It can also create a spoiler.” The Problem Armenia and Azerbaijan have maintained ice-cold relations for almost their entire existence as independent states. For over three decades, they tussled over the status of Nagorno-Karabakh, a land which lies in the internationally recognized territory of Azerbaijan, but was, upon independence, populated mainly by Armenians. As well as costing thousands of lives and leading to hundreds of thousands of displaced persons, the enmity has also led to shuttered frontiers, which have choked trade across the South Caucasus. Armenia’s borders with both Azerbaijan and Turkey have been closed since 1993. While Armenia has been cut off from two of its four neighbors, Azerbaijan has also been severed in two, with the exclave of Nakhchivan, which borders Turkey, separated from the rest of the country by a sliver of Armenian territory, just 20 miles wide at its narrowest point. Conflicts in 2016, 2020, and 2023 saw Azerbaijan push Armenian troops from the region, with hundreds of thousands of Armenians fleeing Nagorno-Karabakh in fear of Azerbaijani reprisals. Since then, Baku has used its vast military superiority and geopolitical advantage to try to strongarm Armenia into accepting the construction of a corridor across its territory, threatening to use force on numerous occasions if Yerevan did not agree to its demands. The Solution Starting early this year, the United States began facilitating secretive negotiations between the pair, stepping into the vacuum left by Russia. The Kremlin has been sidelined from the process amid its deteriorating relations with both sides – many Armenians view Moscow as having betrayed them in the conflicts of 2020 and 2023, while Azeri-Russian relations have frayed significantly since the shooting down of Azerbaijan Airways Flight 8243 to Grozny earlier this year. The timing of the signing ceremony, on the anniversary of the Russian invasion of Georgia in 2008, was perhaps designed to reflect this shift in geopolitical alignment in the South Caucasus. Baku and Yerevan have signed up to a project which will see the construction of the corridor run by a U.S. private company, but under the laws of the Republic of Armenia. The...

10 months ago

Halyk Bank Buys 49% Stake in Uzbekistan’s Click in Landmark Fintech Deal

Almaty - Kazakhstan’s Halyk Bank has announced it will acquire a 49% stake in Uzbek digital payments company Click for $176.4 million, marking one of the largest cross-border banking investments in Central Asia to date. The deal values Click at approximately $360 million, highlighting the growing importance of digital finance in the region’s rapidly evolving financial landscape. With over 20 million customers, Click is one of Uzbekistan’s most widely used payment providers. As part of the agreement, Click will also take a 49% stake in Tenge Bank, Halyk’s Uzbek subsidiary, for $60.76 million. The reciprocal structure of the deal is designed to foster tighter operational integration and shared technological infrastructure between the two institutions – a significant step toward regional financial harmonization. “This is a historic moment for Click. Partnering with Halyk Bank and expanding our capabilities through Tenge Bank represents a major step forward in delivering world-class digital financial services to millions of users,” said Ulugbek Rustamov, CEO of Click. “At the same time, the structure of the deal ensures Click retains its independence, continues to shape its strategic vision, and remains a proud national brand.” Strategic Push Toward Integration The announcement comes as both Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan continue efforts to modernize their financial systems and ease cross-border payments. Regional trade between the two nations has grown steadily in recent years, with bilateral trade turnover reaching $4.22 billion in 2024, up from $2.9 billion in 2020. Halyk Bank, already Kazakhstan’s dominant financial institution with a 29% market share and more than 10.9 million active retail clients, views the investment as a strategic step towards capturing Uzbekistan’s booming digital economy. Click, meanwhile, gains regulatory grounding via Tenge Bank and access to Halyk’s technology and ability to raise capital from its public listing on the London Stock Exchange. Uzbekistan, whose GDP grew by 7.2% in the first half of 2025, continues to open its financial sector to foreign capital – a key pillar of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s economic reform program. Competing Power Structures? This fintech alliance also throws an intriguing light on Central Asia’s most influential business families. Halyk Bank is majority-owned by Timur Kulibayev and his wife Dinara, the daughter of former Kazakh president Nursultan Nazarbayev, widely viewed as Kazakhstan’s most powerful couple. Their expanding presence in Uzbekistan via Click and Tenge Bank may once have had the potential to ruffle feathers amongst Uzbekistan’s elite. The fact that the deal has been allowed to proceed this far is in itself an acknowledgement of the shared interests of regional powerbrokers. A Shift in Regional Strategy The deal represents a strategic reversal for Halyk Bank. In recent years, the bank has divested from its Kyrgyz and Tajik operations, selling 100% of its Kyrgyz subsidiary to oligarch Aidan Karibzhanov in 2024 and liquidating its Tajik entity in 2022. The Click acquisition signals a renewed focus on Uzbekistan, with the potential to make the country Halyk’s primary external growth market. This renewed push comes as Halyk cements its dominance in Kazakhstan, where it controls...

11 months ago

Steppe Diplomacy: Mongolia Deepens Central Asia Ties

Late on July 20th, the President of Mongolia, Ukhnaagiin Khürelsükh, touched down in Bishkek as part of a two-day state visit to Kyrgyzstan. It forms part of Khürelsükh’s wider Central Asian tour, with the President set to fly to Dushanbe following his sojourn in the Kyrgyz capital. The trip builds on Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov’s 2023 visit to Ulaanbaatar, where he oversaw the opening of Kyrgyzstan’s first embassy in Mongolia and toured the Genghis Khan Museum in the capital. A warm greeting Khürelsükh was welcomed by Japarov on the red carpet at Manas International Airport, where traditional dances, music, and even a ceremonial eagle were laid on. The pair greeted each other like old friends before the motorcade swept along the empty roads towards the city. Like Japarov, Khürelsükh has been president since 2021, although, unlike his Kyrgyz counterpart, his role is largely ceremonial. Indeed, current Mongolian politics offers a hint of nostalgia to those in Kyrgyzstan with fond memories of the pre-Japarov era. In June, the Mongolian Prime Minister was forced to resign after losing a vote of confidence in the country’s parliament. This followed months of protests after press reports covering his son’s extravagant spending. The second day of the visit afforded Japarov the chance to play to statesman-like host and welcome a new visitor to the Presidential Palace – the Yntymak Ordo – which is still less than a year old. With temperatures hitting 37°C (98° Fahrenheit) in the Kyrgyz capital, the Mongolian leader arrived at the palace in a blacked-out Mercedes, flanked by a horse-mounted honor guard. The besuited leaders then stood in the baking sunshine to receive a military salute from Kyrgyzstan’s army. A burgeoning friendship Perhaps the scale of the pomp masks the limits of what can be achieved bilaterally. Iskander Sharsheyev, an independent Kyrgyz economist, was keen to stress to The Times of Central Asia that the leaders did achieve some breakthroughs in terms of agriculture: “Veterinary certificates were signed... This provides a new market for Kyrgyz producers. Kyrgyzstan and Mongolia signed a memorandum of cooperation in the field of wool processing, including cashmere. Mongolia is one of the world leaders in cashmere production, and the transfer of technology and training of specialists can dramatically improve the Kyrgyz textile sector.” However, real announcements were thin on the ground and the language of diplomacy was heavy with blandishments: “We strive to develop mutually beneficial cooperation in all areas, especially in the trade and economic sphere,” said Khürelsükh, while Japarov noted that “comprehensive cooperation with Mongolia is one of the priority areas of the development of Kyrgyzstan's foreign policy.” The question is whether there is any substance behind this. Economically, the numbers are hardly going to move the dial. In the first five months of this year, Kyrgyzstan exported $3.1 million worth of goods to Mongolia, much of it confectioneries. Mongolian exports in the other direction are even lower. While officials are trumpeting the rate of growth, which tripled in 2024, it’s worth having a...

11 months ago

How Can Britain Benefit From the Middle Corridor?

On July 2nd, a roundtable held at the House of Lords, the upper chamber of the British parliament, brought together diplomats, trade envoys, logistics professionals, and academics to promote the Middle Corridor – the overland route connecting China to Europe via Kazakhstan, the Caspian Sea, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Turkey. The session aimed to highlight the strategic and economic case for British involvement in the corridor. However, in a crowded political landscape, the pitch struggled to gain airtime. On the same day, British economic minister Rachel Reeves shed tears in parliament’s lower chamber, sparking fears of political instability, and, a few miles away, the Wimbledon tennis season had just begun. In short, Westminster and the British media were elsewhere. Nonetheless, speakers made their case for the corridor’s importance to China-Europe freight. The Middle Corridor has gained attention as an alternative to the Northern Corridor – a rail network that runs from China through Kazakhstan, Russia, and Belarus, all members of the Eurasian Economic Union (a shared customs zone). The Northern route could, in theory, deliver goods from China to Europe in as little as ten days. But its viability has been damaged by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the sanctions regime that followed. Since then, cargo traffic along the Middle Corridor has surged. “Before the war in Ukraine, 99% of goods travelled along the northern corridor, and just 1% along the Middle Corridor,” said Dr Chris Brooks, Global Director of Risk, Quality and Compliance at Bertling Logistics. “Now it’s about 90% along the Middle Corridor.” In raw numbers, the increase has been stark. Back in 2021, cargo volume transported through the Middle Corridor was around 800,000 tonnes; that stood at 4.5 million tonnes at the end of 2024. “It is never going to be an alternative to the maritime route,” Brooks said, estimating that even with major investment, capacity would top out at around 16,000 tonnes per month, which is dwarfed by maritime trade between China and Europe, which totals around 800,000 tonnes a month. However, he did call the route a “strategic insurance policy,” citing its neutrality, flexibility, and compliance with Western sanctions. For automotive, electric, and fast-moving consumer goods (FMCG) with short shelf lives, the route will prove particularly useful. “Whether you're going through the Red Sea or around the Cape of Good Hope, maritime typically takes anything between 35 and 52 days. The Northern Russian corridor is 10 to 20 days. The Middle Corridor can actually do similar.” But Brooks added that infrastructure and the weather remain limiting factors, meaning that lead times are anything between 14 and 45 days, with some shipments taking up to two months. “We have as many as 400 trucks queuing up… not because of customs – they’re just queuing to get onto the ferry from Baku to Kazakhstan… Drivers are waiting anything from one week to one month,” he said, adding his concerns that the corridor also has limited capacity to move large cargo. [caption id="attachment_33653" align="aligncenter" width="960"] Image: middlecorridor.com[/caption] Many speakers...

12 months ago

The Battle for Control Over Central Asia’s Digital Future

Central Asia is digitalizing quickly. Governments across the region have invested in smart cities, 5G, and AI-powered platforms. Kazakhstan ranks 24th in the world in global e-government indexes, and in Tashkent and Bishkek, young, tech-savvy populations are pushing for innovation. But such progress is not without risks. A new report from the German Marshall Fund (GMF), a Washington-based think tank, outlines how Central Asia is becoming ever more reliant on Chinese and Russian technology. These two countries, the report argues, are using digital tools not just to supply infrastructure but to shape how governments in the region manage data, surveillance, and speech. Beijing and Moscow’s tech exports act as snares, tying customers into their own economies. “Central Asian governments are aware of these challenges,” Dylan Welch, the author of the report and a China analyst at the GMF, told The Times of Central Asia. But he notes that it can be difficult to convince policymakers to prioritize the dangers of such overexposure. “For the national leaders, their imperative is to deliver economic growth because they have these young, dynamic populations that need jobs… if they don't deliver on that, then they're in for a long period of instability at home,” he said. This makes Chinese and Russian offers to develop their digital industries extremely tempting. An Entrenched Presence The report coincides with a flurry of Russian and Chinese engagement in the region. Over the weekend, Kazakhstan announced that between them, Beijing and Moscow will be responsible for delivering a new generation of nuclear reactors to the country, currently leaving French and Korean alternatives out in the cold. Then came this week’s visit of Chinese President Xi Jinping to Astana for a summit with the five Central Asian leaders. On the digital front, one notable announcement from this summit included a plan to develop an Artificial Intelligence Cooperation Center in Kyrgyzstan. China has used the term “Digital Silk Road” to describe its investments in Central Asia, and it has built much of the physical infrastructure behind the region’s digitization drive. For its part, Russia has exported its software, legal models and surveillance practices. Taken together, these systems are helping local governments tighten control over digital life. “This strategic integration makes it more difficult for regional states to diversify in the future, even though many continue to pursue multi-vector foreign policies aimed at balancing global partnerships,” Yunis Sharifli, Non-Resident Fellow at the China-Global South Project, told TCA. Where the Vulnerabilities Lie The report uses a “technology stack” framework to explain the problem. This framework looks at five layers: network infrastructure, data storage, consumer devices, digital platforms, and government policies. Across these layers, it argues, Central Asia is exposed to Chinese and Russian influence. Take Kazakhstan. It may be the most advanced digital economy in the region, but most of its internet traffic still passes through Russia. Telecom firms across the region are also required to install a Russian-made surveillance technology known as SORM (System for Operative Investigative Activities), which can intercept internet...

12 months ago

soccer

Uzbekistan Qualify for the FIFA World Cup

On June 5, history was made in Uzbekistan as the national football team qualified for the 2026 FIFA World Cup. A nervy 0-0 draw against the United Arab Emirates in Abu Dhabi was enough to secure them a place at next year’s tournament in North America. It marks the first time that the 34-year-old nation will appear in the final stages of the competition. They become only the third nation from the former USSR, after Russia and Ukraine, and the first from Central Asia, to do so. A Night of Nerves The final hurdle was not an easy one. The Uzbeks faced an intimidating atmosphere even before kick-off, with long airport screening processes meaning over 100 fans were detained for between 7-9 hours at Sharjah airport. Then there was the weather, even at 8pm, the Al Nahyan Stadium in Abu Dhabi sweltered in 31-degree heat. Nevertheless, the team was helped by an Uzbek away support that did not cease all match. The away section was full well before kick-off, and the chants of “Oz-Bek-Is-Ton!”, accompanied by the pounding of drums, could be heard around the stadium. The Uzbeks, with just one loss in their nine-match qualifying campaign, have built their play around a solid defense. In six out of their nine qualifying matches, they did not concede a goal. The team’s star player, Manchester City’s Abdukodir Khusanov, has been the lynchpin of that formidable rearguard, but this is not a side of individuals. The whole team worked tenaciously for each other, and even when their protection was breached, the impressive Uktir Yusupov was on hand to make a few smart saves. Towards the end, the Uzbek fans and coaching staff were screaming at the referee to blow the final whistle after he added ten minutes of additional time. But when time was finally up, well-earned and long-awaited joy was plain to see on every face. Several players broke out sobbing. Celebrations The elation was shared not only by the players. The Uzbek media present in the stadium were seen jumping around the press box in delirium. Back home in Uzbekistan, where half the country had stayed up to watch the match, there was similar joy. “The feeling is indescribable. We’ve been waiting for this day for thirty-four years!” said Diyor Mirpolatov, a 19-year-old student from Tashkent told The Times of Central Asia. Xojiakbar Xamdamov, a graphic designer from Andijan, also could not hide his relief at finally making the tournament. “The failure had even become part of Uzbek pop culture,” he said. “It gets mentioned by standup comedians, in movies, on talk shows… now I think everything will change.” Mirpolotov says that he plans to go to the United States for the tournament: “I’m also going to apply as a volunteer for the World Cup, so I can get more access to matches.” His dream is to see his country play against Portugal. “It would be amazing for Cristiano Ronaldo to play against Uzbekistan,” he said. Xamadov is more circumspect. “Uzbekistan is one of those countries from...

1 year ago

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