Rare Earth Elements - The Times Of Central Asia

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AMM 2026

Kazakhstan and Saudi Arabia Sign Mining Cooperation MOU at AMM Congress

ASTANA — Kazakhstan and Saudi Arabia signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) on cooperation in rare earth metals, critical minerals, and the broader mining space at the opening of the Astana Mining & Metallurgy Congress 2026 (AMM) on June 11, marking a significant new step in the two countries’ efforts to expand industrial and critical minerals ties. The MOU was signed by Kazakhstan’s Prime Minister Olzhas Bektenov and Saudi Arabia’s Minister of Industry and Mineral Resources, Bandar bin Ibrahim Al-Khorayef, who arrived in Astana to attend the AMM. The document aims to develop and strengthen cooperation between the Ministry of Industry and Mineral Resources of Saudi Arabia and the Ministry of Industry and Construction of the Republic of Kazakhstan in the field of mineral resources through the exchange of expertise in the mining industry, modern technologies used in mineral resource exploration, and raw materials evaluation. The agreement also covers cooperation across the mining value chain, but with a focus on rare earths and other mineral resources. Both sides are seeking to strengthen collaboration in extraction, processing, and higher value-added production. The signing comes as Kazakhstan is working to attract more investment into critical minerals and downstream processing, while Saudi Arabia is expanding its role in global mining and mineral supply chains as part of its wider economic diversification strategy. Bektenov and Al-Khorayef also held talks in Astana ahead of the congress. According to the Kazakh government, the discussions focused on further cooperation in the mining and metallurgical sectors and in concretizing prospects for joint projects in high-demand and scarce minerals. The sides also discussed investment and trade opportunities as well as geologic mapping and processing, leading to higher value-added production. The signing of the MOU at AMM, considered one of Central Asia’s main mining and metallurgy forums, had a diplomatic dimension at a time when rare earths and critical minerals are moving higher on the agendas of governments and investors. The congress brings together government officials, mining companies, investors, equipment suppliers, and industry experts. For Kazakhstan, the MOU fits into a broader effort to position the country not only as a source of mineral resources, but also as a platform for processing and higher-value production. Astana has been promoting geological exploration, investment in processing capacity, and strategic partnerships with foreign governments and companies. As Kazakhstan seeks to bring more of the value chain onshore, it is building on examples such as titanium production at Ust-Kamenogorsk Titanium and Magnesium and zinc processing at Kazzinc’s integrated facilities. For Saudi Arabia, the agreement reflects Riyadh’s growing interest in international mining partnerships. The Kingdom has been seeking to develop its domestic mineral sector while securing access to strategic raw materials needed for industrial development, clean energy technologies, and advanced manufacturing. At its AMM booth in Astana, Saudi Arabia’s Ministry of Industry and Mineral Resources highlighted its upcoming Future Minerals Forum, set for January 2027 in Riyadh; it is one of the world's leading mining events. Kazakhstan and the other Central Asian countries will be...

C5+1

U.S. Convenes Critical Minerals Dialogue with Central Asian Officials in Kazakhstan

ASTANA — The United States opened a new round of high-level critical minerals talks with Central Asian governments in Astana on June 10, with U.S. Special Envoy for South and Central Asian Affairs Sergio Gor saying Washington is placing new emphasis on a region it sees as central to global commerce, connectivity, and secure supply chains. Speaking at the C5+1 Critical Minerals Dialogue, Gor said Central Asia “has not gotten the attention it deserves from the United States,” and that the Trump administration had decided to change that. “We care about this region, we want to be involved with this region, we want to identify win-win situations for the United States and your nations,” Gor said. The meeting, held at The Ritz-Carlton in Astana, brought together officials from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and the United States. The program included sessions on geological exploration, surveying and mapping, mining and processing, and global value and supply chains, followed by a government-business networking reception. Gor thanked Kazakhstan for hosting what he described as the first in-person C5+1 Critical Minerals Dialogue and said he had met with President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev shortly before the session. Kazakhstan’s Foreign Ministry said that ahead of the dialogue, Gor and Kazakh Foreign Minister Yermek Kosherbayev had discussed economic and investment partnerships, innovation, artificial intelligence, education, transport, logistics, and critical minerals. The ministry also said the sides discussed the implementation of agreements reached between Tokayev and U.S. President Donald Trump at the White House in November 2025. Gor framed the Astana meeting as part of a broader increase in U.S. engagement with Central Asia following the C5+1 leaders’ meeting in Washington last year. He said critical minerals are now a central part of that engagement because they are essential to infrastructure, advanced technologies, industry, and national defense. “Our economic security depends on our ability to diversify our access to critical minerals,” Gor said. “Ensuring reliable access to these materials requires not only expanding production, but also building resilient, transparent, and market-driven supply chains in close partnership with trusted partners.” He added that the Central Asian states represented at the table were exactly the partners Washington wants to work with. “There’s a reason we’re sitting at this table and not at another table around the world,” Gor said. “It’s because this is where we want to work. This is where we have identified trusted partners.” Gor highlighted the role of U.S. commercial and development-finance tools in supporting investment, saying Washington is prepared to back American companies working in the region. “The United States government stands behind American companies,” Gor said. “There is no such thing as a deal too small.” Gor also pointed to the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation, saying it was preparing to “invest and build” in the region and saw potential in critical minerals, telecommunications, and Trans-Caspian infrastructure. He said DFC saw “potential to transform the region’s rich deposits of critical minerals into the foundation of a new wave of industrialization.” “President Trump understands the importance of...

Mining

Uzbekistan Plans $30 Billion Mining Investment Drive Backed by AI and Digital Geology

Uzbekistan is planning a major digital transformation of its mining and geology sector, with artificial intelligence set to play a central role in mineral exploration, resource management, and industrial production. According to the presidential press service, President Shavkat Mirziyoyev reviewed a presentation on June 9 on plans to expand the use of digital technologies and AI across the industry, one of the country’s key economic sectors. Officials said mining and geology enterprises accounted for 20% of Uzbekistan’s industrial output in 2025 and generated 118.5 trillion soums in budget revenues. The government sees technological modernization as a priority for improving efficiency, attracting investment, and expanding the country’s long-term resource base. The presentation pointed to progress already made in digitalization. Major mining enterprises cut operating expenses by 7.3 trillion soums in 2025, while production costs fell by 9.1%. Authorities have also launched the Geomonitoring information system and digitized data on more than 2,000 mineral deposits. Over the next five years, Uzbekistan aims to increase its proven reserves by 879 tons of gold, 510 tons of silver, and 676,000 tons of copper. Officials said AI technologies will be introduced throughout the geological exploration process to speed up the analysis of geological data, improve reserve assessments, forecast promising mineral deposits, and make drilling more efficient. Mirziyoyev instructed officials to take the sector’s technological transformation to a new stage by creating systems capable of managing and analyzing production processes with AI. The industry generates large volumes of information, from geological surveys and drilling results to maps, laboratory analyses, and production data. Integrating these resources into a unified electronic database and applying 3D modeling tools could improve exploration outcomes. According to the presentation, the proposed measures could reduce production costs by 10%, cut the time needed to identify new deposits by half, and increase the number of investment proposals several times over. A key element of the strategy is the creation of a National Geological Database. Authorities plan to digitize more than 36,000 geological reports and primary data records and establish a Center for Technological Transformation. Officials estimate that this will double the speed and quality of geological data processing and accelerate reserve estimation and deposit modeling. The presentation also outlined plans to attract $30 billion in investment to the geology and mining sector by 2030. To support that target, the government plans to implement 32 digital and AI-focused projects from 2026 to 2030 at six major enterprises: Navoi Mining and Metallurgical Company, Almalyk Mining and Metallurgical Complex, Navoiyuran, Uzmetkombinat, Uzbekcoal, and the Uzbekistan Technological Metals Complex. The projects will cover production automation, corporate governance, AI, labor and industrial safety, and geological exploration. Officials said the measures could increase operational efficiency by 7%, improve the reliability of machinery and equipment by 20%, raise energy efficiency by 8%, and reduce human-factor-related errors and risks by 15%. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, Uzbekistan and the United States signed agreements earlier this year aimed at securing supply chains for critical minerals and rare earth elements,...

Critical Minerals

Central Asia Enters the Minerals Race

Central Asia is entering the critical minerals race at a time when deposits alone no longer confer strategic advantage. The Astana Mining & Metallurgy Congress, scheduled for June 11–12 at Hilton Astana, gives the issue operational form: supply chains, investment, and commercial projects. U.S. Under Secretary Jacob Helberg will participate there and in the preceding C5+1 Critical Minerals Dialogue on June 10–11. The Astana agenda also puts Central Asia’s role in global supply chains directly into view. The test is how quickly governments, investors, and industrial buyers can finance, process, move, and purchase minerals before they are locked into industrial supply chains. The G7 is moving in the same direction, but through institutional design rather than industrial action. The group is discussing a permanent critical minerals secretariat to maintain continuity across changing G7 presidencies, possibly at either the International Energy Agency or the OECD. The proposal acknowledges a real deficiency in Western coordination, but it also reveals the larger problem: continuity is useful only if it becomes execution. At the same time, reports have circulated about disagreements over stockpiling and leadership, including European resistance to both a single shared stockpile and a U.S.-led structure. For Central Asia, the practical question is not institutional architecture alone, but whether such coordination produces finance, processing capacity, and long-term offtake. The June dialogue in Astana is part of a wider C5+1 movement from diplomacy toward operational cooperation. Its participants are trying to convert the platform from a talk shop into a vehicle for business transactions. As TCA has reported, U.S. engagement in the region is increasingly tied to business mechanisms, export-credit support, and project finance. Kazakhstan has already moved into this framework track. Kazakhstan and the United States signed a memorandum of understanding on critical minerals cooperation during Tokayev’s November 2025 visit to Washington, and the agreement took immediate shape through the Tau-Ken Samruk–Cove Capital tungsten project. Kazakhstan’s Foreign Ministry later described the MOU as the first agreement of its kind in Central Asia, providing for processing capacity in Kazakhstan, technology transfer, and expanded access for Kazakh products to the U.S. market. In February 2026, Uzbekistan followed with its own U.S. critical minerals track: TCA reported that Tashkent signed a critical minerals MOU on February 4, and that DFC heads of terms for a Joint Investment Framework followed on February 19. Central Asian governments are not passive terrain for outside competition. Kazakhstan, with Central Asia’s most developed mining and metallurgical base, and Uzbekistan, with a rapidly expanding minerals program, are using minerals competition to attract capital and build processing capacity. They are seeking to diversify partners and move beyond dependence on raw material exports. The regional objective is industrial upgrading while preserving room for maneuver between China, Russia, the United States, Europe, and other partners. The minerals question cannot be separated from the larger Eurasian setting. Central Asia is trying to widen its own field of choice before its options are narrowed by what Hudson Institute senior fellow Ken Moriyasu called, in comments to...

Critical Minerals

Opinion: Supply Chains of Power: How Critical Minerals Are Shaping China–U.S. Competition in Central Asia

Central Asia is no longer a distant frontier for global geopolitics. It is developing into a central arena of competition for critical minerals, supply chains, and industrial power, where minerals are no longer simple commodities but have instead become key components of contemporary statecraft. In essence, this transformation highlights a recognition in Washington and other capitals that critical mineral supply chains are fundamental to next-generation energy systems, the development of artificial intelligence (AI), and strategic defense capabilities. Even as the global economy is multipolar, critical mineral supply chains remain highly concentrated and dominated by China. Control of rare earths is increasingly geopolitical, with clear economic, political, and security consequences. The significance of that imbalance is now shaping U.S. foreign policy, Central Asia’s development strategies, and the future of global economics. China’s Strategy: Control the Chain, Not Just the Mine Though many years in the making, China’s critical minerals strategy is still often misunderstood as focused primarily on resource access. However, Beijing’s efforts are far broader and more effective. Not only securing raw materials, the Chinese leadership has also worked to control the entire supply chain—from extraction to processing, refining, and manufacturing. China’s long-term focus and investments began in the 1980s with efforts that culminated in the Made in China 2025 plan for national and overseas manufacturing. In 2023 alone, Chinese firms invested more than $120 billion in overseas mining and processing, targeting key elements used in energy supply chains. Beijing also fed its industrial base by providing over $220 billion for the production of electric vehicles, batteries, and renewable infrastructure. As a result, China now controls approximately 60% of lithium processing, more than 70% of cobalt refining, and over 90% of battery material manufacturing. Strategically, China controls roughly 90% of global rare earth refining and associated technologies. Early investments in supplies enabled Beijing to subsequently concentrate funds into refining capacity to feed its industrial sector. This integrated approach has shifted the power dynamic for global supply chains tied to the critical minerals economy. As evidenced by Beijing’s near monopoly on processing, market control is not just associated with geological supplies but with processing capacity. China’s willingness to weaponize access not only to rare earths but also to processing technology demonstrates Beijing’s market muscle. This distinction is critical. Rare earth elements are not inherently scarce, but they are rarely found in concentrated deposits, making them difficult to extract and refine. Over decades, Beijing developed unique refining capabilities and subsidized an industrial base that disincentivized competition and encouraged processing to shift to China. The Vicious Circle Prohibitive investment costs, long development timelines, and market volatility have discouraged Western investment in alternative supply chains. Each stage (mining, processing, refining, manufacturing) is interdependent: miners won’t invest without buyers and offtake agreements, processors and refiners need secure financing and stable mineral supply, and manufacturers need steady inputs. Such interdependence creates an investment standoff and heightens perceptions of risk. By integrating all stages, Beijing exerts influence across global markets, from pricing to production. This has conditioned global markets...

C6+1

Opinion: Trump Has Golden Opportunity to Launch C6+1 on Sidelines of UN

Representatives of the five Central Asian states — Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan — along with Azerbaijan, are expected in New York for the United Nations General Assembly in September. Historically, meetings between the Central Asian states and the United States – the C5+1 – have taken place on the sidelines of the United Nations. It is the most natural and logistically efficient venue for President Donald Trump to re-engage with the C5 partners he hosted at the White House last November. As of now, only foreign ministers are expected to attend the UNGA. But this could change if Trump extends an invitation to the leaders, according to a Central Asian diplomatic source. This time, however, he has the opportunity to add Azerbaijan, transforming the format into a C6+1. Baku has already been invited to participate as a full member in Central Asian gatherings, and Washington should build on that momentum. Azerbaijan is uniquely positioned: close to both Israel and Turkey – two of America’s most important regional partners – it sits astride one of the most important connectivity corridors linking Europe and Asia. Its inclusion would turn the C5+1 into a genuinely trans‑Caspian framework that reflects the emerging realities of Eurasian integration. The move would also link two major diplomatic achievements of Trump’s second term: the launch of the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP), a 43-km strategic transit corridor connecting mainland Azerbaijan to its Nakhchivan exclave through Armenia, and Trump’s elevation of the C5+1 to a White House-level summit. While TRIPP was discussed at the C5+1 meeting in November, bringing Azerbaijan into the next gathering would allow the administration to present itself as the architect of a new Eurasian trade and energy map. Strategically, a C6+1 format carries significant implications for great-power competition with China. This is because Central Asia is so crucial to Beijing’s grand strategy. In its recently adopted 15th five-year plan, neighborhood diplomacy is listed as the top priority — ahead of relations with major powers or developing countries. Beijing seeks to build a “community with a shared future” with 17 neighboring states, including all five in Central Asia, to “create a favorable external environment” for national rejuvenation, as Foreign Minister Wang Yi has stated. For China, Central Asia is a vital “hinterland” for energy and resource security, and a buffer against maritime disruptions. The United States does not need to dominate the Eurasian Heartland or force Central Asian states to choose between Washington and Beijing. It simply needs to ensure that any Chinese westward access runs through a vast landmass of countries that maintain constructive relations with the United States. A C6+1 format helps shape that environment without confrontation. A stable Middle Corridor – the energy and trade route running through Central Asia, across the Caspian Sea and through Azerbaijan to Turkey and the Mediterranean – also benefits America's energy-hungry allies in Asia, such as Japan and South Korea. Both increasingly look to Kazakhstan as an alternative oil supplier as they...