• KGS/USD = 0.01152 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09259 0.87%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28615 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01152 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09259 0.87%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28615 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01152 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09259 0.87%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28615 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01152 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09259 0.87%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28615 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01152 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09259 0.87%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28615 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01152 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09259 0.87%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28615 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01152 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09259 0.87%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28615 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01152 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09259 0.87%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28615 0%
01 December 2024

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 14

Global Human Rights Body Condemns Inaction of Turkmenistan’s Ombudsman

The Global Alliance of National Human Rights Institutions (OHCHR-SCA) has issued sharp criticism of Turkmenistan’s Ombudsman Office. According to the Sub-Committee on Accreditation (SCA), the institution has failed to actively protect human rights despite credible reports of serious violations by state entities. One major concern highlighted by the SCA is the Ombudsman’s lack of responsiveness to appeals from human rights organizations. This raises doubts about its ability to engage in meaningful dialogue and cooperation with key stakeholders. The SCA also expressed alarm over the absence of transparency in how civil society is involved in ensuring the independence and impartiality of the Ombudsman’s operations. Furthermore, limited access for applicants and a poorly maintained website—last updated in February—underscore deficiencies in the institution’s functionality. The controversy surrounding Human Rights Ombudsman Yazdursun Gurbannazarova further fuels criticism. Last year, Gurbannazarova reportedly pressured journalist Soltan Achilova to cancel a planned trip to Geneva, a move widely condemned by observers. These actions reinforce the SCA’s assessment that the Ombudsman’s Office is not fulfilling its mandate. Turkmenistan has long faced scrutiny from human rights organizations for systematic violations. Amnesty International has reported widespread use of torture, denial of medical care to political prisoners, and persecution of opposition figures within and outside the country. Human Rights Watch has documented cases of intimidation, including threats against the families of dissidents living abroad. The SCA’s findings shed light on Turkmenistan’s ongoing challenges in addressing human rights concerns and underscore the need for reforms in its Ombudsman Office to meet international standards.

#ForSaltanat: The Quest for Justice in Domestic Violence Cases in Kazakhstan

In the spring of 2024, the televised murder trial of Kuandyk Bishimbayev, Kazakhstan’s former Minister of the National Economy, captivated viewers across the country. Bishimbayev was found guilty of the brutal murder of his wife, Saltanat Nukenova, in a restaurant in Astana, and sentenced to 24 years in prison. Comparisons to the O.J. Simpson trial of 1995 were inevitable. Both trials involved a prominent figure — in this case, a politician previously pardoned by President Nursultan Nazarbayev after serving time for corruption — a victim who had endured domestic abuse, and a massive viewership. Bishimbayev's trial underscored public fascination with the case, driven not only by its reality TV appeal but by a growing awareness of deeply ingrained gender inequities, particularly regarding the societal expectations placed on Kazakh women within marriage. The trial’s timing occurred shortly before — and perhaps by no coincidence — new legislation was signed by President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev on April 15, 2024, amending laws to protect the rights and safety of women and children. However, critics noted an omission: a clear, targeted focus on preventing domestic violence. Two Kazakh women, who shared their stories with The Times of Central Asia, revealed the extent to which domestic violence remains embedded in Kazakh society. Rayana, from Astana, and Aliya, a Kazakh student in New York City, have never met, yet their stories echo shared challenges and hopes for change in their home country. Rayana, a beauty industry professional in her mid-twenties, reflected on her brief and tumultuous marriage, which began when she was 23. “I loved my husband, but felt it was too early to marry. We married just four months after meeting, and within a month of living together, I wanted a divorce. He was unfaithful and violent.” When Rayana sought help from her mother-in-law, she was told that her mother-in-law had also been a victim of domestic violence and that she, too, must learn to endure it. “It is worth mentioning that in Kazakhstan the north is very different from the south,” Rayana added. “I'm a northerner, he's a southerner. I had never experienced abuse before, and then for the first time, I felt a panic attack, which I still live with. In the south, people adhere more to traditions and have a negative attitude towards divorce and washing their dirty linen in public. Women keep silent about domestic violence. I can’t say anything about his family’s attitude. I still don’t fully understand.” Having grown up around domestic violence, she believes that one in two families is affected by it. After separating, Rayana’s family offered her support, while her in-laws disapproved, even throwing out her belongings. Rayana’s life since then, however, has vastly improved. “I have been working in the beauty industry for a long time. In our field, at least, climbing the career ladder is not difficult. My first supervisor helped me a lot. He spoke fondly of his wife and cared about his female employees. This gives us faith that there are good men...

How Can Central Asian Countries Advance Democratization Efforts Amid Geopolitical Uncertainty?

On October 27, Uzbekistan held parliamentary elections, which, along with the referendum in Kazakhstan and upcoming local council elections in Kyrgyzstan, contributed to a global election year. In the elections in Uzbekistan, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party emerged victorious, participating for the first time in elections held under a mixed majoritarian-proportional system. As a result of the vote, the Liberal Democratic Party received 42,7% of the votes, securing 64 out of 150 seats in parliament. Voter turnout was 74.72%, and observers noted the organization and conduct of the elections. Leaders in Central Asia frequently cite the region’s volatile geopolitical landscape as a basis for more cautious internal reforms. This reflects a need to maintain stability in the face of external pressures. Historically and currently, Central Asian countries do not represent homogeneous societies. Additionally, increasing political divisions within society and among political elites are observed in almost all five countries of the region. Against this backdrop, escalating geopolitical conflicts on the global stage may further hinder the realization of major political reforms.   Political Reforms and an Unstable World Order It's challenging to definitively assess political reforms in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan as either negative or positive, as both perspectives exist. European and American leaders often note the countries' aspirations for reforms and express readiness to support them. Therefore, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan effectively act as locomotives of political reforms in Central Asia at this stage. Under the leadership of President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, Kazakhstan has undertaken political reforms aimed at modernizing the political system and strengthening democratic institutions. A significant step was limiting presidential powers by introducing a single seven-year presidential term without the right to re-election, which should promote regular changes in political leadership. Kazakh authorities argue that the role of parliament has also been strengthened to increase its influence and accountability to the government, providing a more balanced system of checks and balances. Liberalization of the party system included simplifying the registration of political parties and introducing elections based on single-member districts, which should foster political pluralism. Steps were taken to increase citizen participation in governance, including the introduction of direct elections for village and district mayors and creating mechanisms for open citizen feedback. Additionally, a 30% quota for women, youth, and people with disabilities was introduced in party lists, contributing to strengthening gender equality. Under President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, Uzbekistan is also conducting significant reforms aimed at democratizing the political system. These elections were noteworthy for the introduction of a mixed electoral system, representing a significant departure from past practices. Under this system, 150 seats in the Legislative Chamber of the Oliy Majlis should be filled by two methods: 75 seats were elected through single-member districts (majoritarian system), and the remaining 75 were allocated proportionally based on party results (proportional system). This approach aims to enhance political pluralism by allowing both individual candidates and political parties to gain representation. The majoritarian component allows voters to directly elect representatives from their constituencies, fostering a closer connection between elected officials and their constituents....

Startups From Central Eurasia Set to Conquer Silicon Valley

The following 10-15 years will see the birth of large tech companies originating from Central Eurasia, a vast region including Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Mongolia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Turkey, and Uzbekistan. This was stated at the first technology conference entitled Central Eurasia at Silicon Valley. The conference brought together the region's top 100 startups, American venture investors, large company leaders, and tech giants from Silicon Valley. According to the event organizers, Central Eurasia has enormous untapped potential. With a population of more than 100 million people and an average age of 27, about 200,000 young people in the region annually receive an education in the field of STEM (science, technology, education, mathematics). The area has everything necessary to develop the tech industry: universities, a startup ecosystem, venture funds, and its representative in Silicon Valley — Silkroad Innovation Hub, which, in the first year of its operation, attracted 80 resident startups and more than $30 million in investments. At the conference, Zhaslan Madiyev, Minister of Digital Development, Innovation and Aerospace Industry of Kazakhstan, said that Kazakhstan accounts for 50% of GDP in Central Eurasia. Kazakhstan is in 10th place in the UN GLOBAL Online Services Index and 3rd place among Central and South Asian countries in the Global Innovation Index (after Iran and India). “Recently, there has been a rapid development of new technologies, AI, blockchain, and all this stimulates the market and entrepreneurs to create startups,” Madiyev said. The minister added that Kazakhstani investors are ready to invest $100,000-$200,000 in startups at an early stage. Still, finding $1 million or $2 million in investment can be challenging, even in a more mature stage. Therefore, he urged the promotion of Kazakhstani startups abroad, especially in Silicon Valley.

Uzbekistan Prepares for the Polls: Embracing a New Electoral System

On October 27, citizens of Uzbekistan will cast their ballots under a new mixed electoral system for the 150-member Legislative Chamber of the Oliy Majlis (Lower House of Parliament) in elections billed as “My choice is my prospering Motherland.” Half of the candidates will be elected from single-member districts using a first-past-the-post system, whilst the other half will come from nationwide proportional representation which requires parties to surpass a 7% electoral threshold. If fewer than one-third of eligible voters participate, the election will be deemed invalid, and should no party meet the threshold for proportional seats, those elections will be considered void. By mandate, at least 40% of the candidates must be women, up from 30% in the elections held in 2019. Additionally, 56 members of the upper chamber, 65 deputies of the Jokargy Kenes of the Republic of Karakalpakstan, 12 regional and 208 district and city council seats are also being contested by approximately 30,000 candidates. At the invitation of the authorities in Uzbekistan, at the end of September, the OSCE’s Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) dispatched a team of long-term observers. On October 5, Uzbekistan held a groundbreaking pre-election TV debate for party leaders which was broadcast live on multiple TV channels and social media platforms in Uzbek, Russian, English, and Karakalpak. Reportedly modeled on the BBC’s Question Time, the debate’s audience featured voices from the nation's youth, women, and ethnic minorities as part of a drive to engage with voters described by organizers as “innovate, creative [and] interactive. Five parties - the Liberal-Democratic Party of Uzbekistan, Milli Tiklanish (National Revival) Democratic Party, the Ecological Party of Uzbekistan, the People’s Democratic Party of Uzbekistan (PDP), and the Adolat (Justice) Social-Democratic Party – have been registered for the upcoming elections. However, others have faced a backlash for attempting to register. According to The Diplomat, all of the entities running “have always been perceived as mere extensions of the state.” Since the death of long-term despot, Islam Karimov, however, Uzbekistan’s “state apparatus [have] become more open,” as noted by an election observer in 2019, whilst the platforms of figures such as Alisher Qodirov have increasingly chimed with the public. Amidst reforms aimed at tackling endemic corruption, in recent years Uzbekistan has gained ground on Transparency International’s global corruption perception index, and recently partnered with the World Bank on “training, projects, and research to combat corruption.”

Kazakhstan: The Role of the Constitutional Court in Upholding the Rule of Law

This year marks 30 years since the adoption of the current Constitution of Kazakhstan, which was approved by a popular referendum. Over the years, several changes have been made to the country's basic laws to expand citizens' rights, support political modernization, and strengthen the protection of human rights. The last referendum demonstrated the people's will and became an important milestone in the country's history. As a result, the powers of the president were reduced, and the role of parliament and local self-government bodies was significantly strengthened. An important step was the introduction of the Ombudsman for the Human Rights institution, the abolition of the death penalty, and the restoration of the Constitutional Court, Elvira Azimova, Chairperson of the Constitutional Court of Kazakhstan, has told the Asian Legal Portal. As Azimova explained, the Constitutional Court plays a critical role in ensuring the supremacy of the Constitution and protecting citizens' rights. At the same time, she noted that regulations should not only comply with the Constitution, but also be organically linked to it, creating a legal basis for the law and the state's sustainable development. Azimova also highlighted the fact that more than 120 countries worldwide have established constitutional courts or similar bodies performing constitutional oversight functions. In Kazakhstan, as in other states, citizens have the right to apply to the Constitutional Court to verify the constitutionality of laws, acts of the executive branch, and international treaties. International experience shows that such courts not only resolve legal disputes, but also improve the legal culture and continuity of constitutional processes. The revival of the Constitutional Court in Kazakhstan was an essential stage of the constitutional reform of 2022. Azimova emphasized that this body, independent of the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government, strengthens the state's system of checks and balances. Citizens, the prosecutor general, and the Human Rights Ombudsman can now appeal to the Constitutional Court to uphold constitutional legality. Since January 2023, according to Azimova, the Constitutional Court has received over 7,500 appeals from citizens. In her opinion, such appeals do not indicate mass rights violations, but rather reflect citizens' dissatisfaction with the legal decisions made by state bodies. Citizens, she said, go to court when they believe their rights have been violated and there is either no response or an insufficient response from government agencies. The Azimova-led Constitutional Court has already issued 252 rulings, including 49 final decisions on the constitutionality of legal norms and acts. These decisions directly impact laws and regulations, which can be repealed or revised if found unconstitutional. Azimova also notes that the president, the Supreme Court, and members of parliament have already submitted requests to the Constitutional Court to check the constitutionality of laws. The prosecutor general and other state bodies have repeatedly requested an official interpretation of the provisions of the Constitution. For example, the prosecutor general's request included an interpretation of the prosecutor's competence in court and legal provisions on housing deprivation. In June 2023, Azimova presented an annual message to Parliament on...