Reforms - The Times Of Central Asia

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Armed Forces

Tokayev Sets Two-Year Deadline for Military Reform in Kazakhstan

Speaking at a traditional ceremony ahead of Defender of the Fatherland Day, celebrated in Kazakhstan on May 7, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev said the country must reform its armed forces within the next two years. “Our country must be prepared to prevent various challenges and respond to any threats. Therefore, we need to strengthen our defense potential and continue, above all, the technological modernization of the Armed Forces. This is a requirement of today’s unstable and turbulent times. In this regard, it is first necessary to carry out deep reforms in our Armed Forces and militarized structures. This is a strategically important task that must be resolved in a short period within two years,” Tokayev said during a ceremony awarding state honors and military ranks ahead of Defender of the Fatherland Day and Victory Day, celebrated on May 9. Russian analysts responded to the statement before many Kazakh commentators, largely arguing that Kazakhstan faces no major external threats and therefore has little need for sweeping military reform. One of them, Stanislav Pritchin, head of the Central Asia sector at the Primakov Institute of World Economy and International Relations in Moscow, said Kazakhstan had no serious territorial disputes or significant tensions with neighboring countries. “There are some political disagreements, but overall, the country exists in a fairly calm environment. There are simply no conflict points that would require Kazakhstan to fundamentally revise its military doctrine or significantly strengthen its army,” he told the publication, Expert. Pritchin also suggested that Russian concern stemmed from uncertainty over how Tokayev’s accelerated military reform agenda fits with Kazakhstan’s commitments to Moscow-led organizations such as the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). In Kazakhstan, however, the reform agenda fits a familiar pattern: by the time Tokayev publicly announces a deadline, work in that direction is often already well underway. In December 2025, Prime Minister Olzhas Bektenov outlined major military reforms while responding to parliamentary questions about discipline in the armed forces. Following presidential instructions, the government submitted three draft laws to parliament intended to form the foundation of the reform process. The legislation addresses crime prevention and revises administrative regulations within the military system. One of the main goals is to clearly divide responsibilities among commanders, military police, and other authorized bodies while introducing technology-based disciplinary oversight mechanisms. At the same time, the Health Ministry has developed a 2026-2028 roadmap for suicide prevention in Kazakhstan, with separate provisions focused on military personnel. As part of the broader reform effort, the authorities have also approved the interagency “Digital Prevention” program for 2025-2028. The initiative includes integrating video surveillance systems, artificial intelligence, and a unified database to monitor discipline and public order within the military. In parallel, the “Law and Order in the Army” program aims to strengthen military discipline and prevent offenses among service members. Tokayev also addressed military reform in an interview with the newspaper Turkistan earlier this year. The interviewer noted that repeated deaths among soldiers during military service were damaging...

Cotton Industry

Uzbekistan’s Cotton Sector: Focus Shifts to Farmers as Dialogue Continues

The Times of Central Asia previously published an interview with Komoliddin Ikromov, head of the Agribusiness Association, addressing recent land disputes, legal processes, and ongoing reforms in Uzbekistan’s agricultural sector. In a separate conversation, Umida Niyazova, founder of the Uzbek Forum for Human Rights, has offered an additional perspective, focusing on the conditions faced by cotton and wheat farmers. Her remarks come in the context of a recent joint report by the Uzbek Forum and Human Rights Watch examining structural issues in the agricultural system. While the report has drawn international attention, Niyazova emphasized that its primary focus differs from earlier discussions centered on cotton pickers. Focus on farmers rather than pickers Niyazova said public debate in recent years has largely focused on forced labor among cotton pickers, particularly prior to reforms introduced after 2019. However, she noted that the new report shifts attention to another group. “Our recent report on the cotton sector in Uzbekistan does not focus on cotton pickers, but rather on cotton and wheat producers, farmers,” she told The Times of Central Asia. “This is a different segment of workers whose problems have, for decades, remained overshadowed by the issue of forced labor of cotton pickers... The central finding of our report is that the working conditions of farmers producing cotton and wheat in Uzbekistan place them at risk of forced labor.” Basis for assessing risk Niyazova explained that this conclusion is based on eleven indicators developed by the International Labour Organization, “which define warning signs that individuals may be at risk.” However, the report does not conclude that specific cases constitute forced labor. “We did not have sufficient information to determine that any particular farmer is working under forced labor conditions,” she told TCA. “However, we were able to conclude that cotton and wheat farmers in general are at risk due to the conditions in which they work.” These indicators include factors such as vulnerability, intimidation, threats, withholding of wages, and abusive working conditions. At the same time, she acknowledged that Uzbekistan has made progress in addressing earlier concerns related to cotton picking. Changes in cotton picking practices Niyazova said the situation for cotton pickers has changed significantly in recent years. “These are seasonal workers, primarily rural residents, who are recruited by farmers or mahallas (neighborhoods) to harvest cotton over a two-month period,” she said. “Since the 2020 harvest, payment rates for manual cotton picking have increased. This has been an important, though not the only, factor in attracting voluntary laborers.” According to the Ministry of Agriculture, a recommended price of 2,000 UZS ($0.16) per kilogram of hand-picked cotton was set for 2025. During the harvest, prices may also be determined through agreements between cluster operators, farms, and pickers. Niyazova said additional reforms have contributed to changes in the sector, including the introduction of private clusters, increased mechanization, and government oversight. “Mechanization has increased year by year, reducing the need for manual labor,” she said, adding that by 2025, more than 50% of the harvest...

Reforms

Uzbekistan Has “Only Just Begun” Reforms, Says Saida Mirziyoyeva

Saida Mirziyoyeva has said that the country’s reform agenda remains at an early stage, arguing that the scale of change should be measured in years rather than months. In her first major interview since becoming Head of the Presidential Administration, Mirziyoyeva said Uzbekistan had “only just begun” large-scale reforms. Expectations of rapid results, she warned, often overlook structural limits, including weak infrastructure, uneven regional development, and tight public finances. Mirziyoyeva spoke about decision-making inside the presidential system and outlined what she described as the administration’s main policy priorities, including water management, education, healthcare, the business climate, and reform of the judicial and legal system. “Our goal is to improve people’s lives,” she stated, emphasizing that improvements in courts and law enforcement were essential for other reforms to succeed. Without legal guarantees, she argued, investment and social policy changes would fail to deliver lasting results. She said the reforms now underway are intended to address long-standing systemic problems rather than produce quick political gains, and rejected the idea that reform momentum has slowed, arguing that many of the most complex changes require time and careful implementation to succeed. Water management featured prominently in her remarks. Mirziyoyeva described it as one of Uzbekistan’s most urgent challenges, pointing to climate pressures, ageing infrastructure, and rising demand. Education and healthcare were also presented as priorities, with reforms focused on improving quality and access rather than simply expanding state programs. The judicial system, however, emerged as the central theme. Mirziyoyeva said that without independent and predictable courts, reforms in other areas would not deliver lasting results. Legal uncertainty, she said, discourages investment and undermines public trust, making the rule of law essential for both economic reform and the protection of citizens’ rights. Mirziyoyeva also addressed the business environment, arguing that excessive regulation and administrative pressure continue to constrain private enterprise. The state, she said, should act as a partner to entrepreneurs rather than an obstacle, and reforms should create conditions in which businesses can operate transparently and competitively. Mirziyoyeva described her role as focused on coordination and execution rather than public visibility. The task of the Presidential Administration, she said, is to ensure that decisions taken at the top translate into practical change on the ground. Public service, she added, should be judged by outcomes, not rhetoric. The interview comes more than nine years after President Shavkat Mirziyoyev took office in December 2016 and launched a reform agenda that marked a break with the isolationist policies of his predecessor. Early measures included the liberalisation of the foreign exchange market in September 2017, easing trade restrictions, and reducing state control over prices. International financial institutions have described Uzbekistan’s economic transition as ambitious, while noting that progress has been uneven. Political reform has proceeded more cautiously. In its 2024 Nations in Transit assessment, Freedom House classified Uzbekistan as a consolidated authoritarian system, citing restrictions on opposition activity and independent media. Against that backdrop, Mirziyoyeva said reforms should be judged by tangible outcomes rather than timelines. Reliable access...

Economic Growth

Uzbekistan Emerges as One of Europe and Central Asia’s Fastest-Growing Economies

Uzbekistan is on track to be one of the five fastest-growing economies in the broader Europe and Central Asia region next year, according to the World Bank’s Europe and Central Asia Economic Update, Fall 2025. The report projects Uzbekistan’s gross domestic product will expand by about 6.2% in 2025 - well above the regional average amid an overall slowdown across emerging European and Central Asian markets. Overall regional GDP growth is expected to ease to roughly 2.4% in 2025, down from 3.7% in 2024, as weaker output in Russia drags on the aggregate. Central Asia as a whole continues to stand out. The World Bank notes that countries in the region are collectively growing around 5.9% - making it the fastest-growing part of Europe and Central Asia for the third straight year. Within that group, Tajikistan is also forecast to grow by 7%, Kyrgyzstan by 6.8%, and Kazakhstan by 5.5%. That performance keeps much of Central Asia well ahead of Europe’s advanced economies, which are expected to grow by just over 1% on average. Turkmenistan is excluded from the World Bank’s regional calculations because it does not publish internationally comparable economic data. For Uzbekistan, in particular, inclusion among the region’s top performers marks a sharp turnaround for a country that, less than a decade ago, was largely closed to global markets. By way of comparison, according to the World Bank, Uzbekistan’s economy is about eight times larger than Kyrgyzstan’s and roughly seven times larger than Tajikistan’s. In 2024, Uzbekistan’s gross domestic product was roughly $105 billion, compared with approximately $14 billion for Kyrgyzstan and $15 billion for Tajikistan. Remittances and Investment Fuel Expansion Rising income from abroad and expanding investment at home due to an increasingly investor-friendly climate are the twin engines of Uzbekistan’s boom. The World Bank attributes its upgraded forecast partly to stronger-than-expected remittances and higher capital spending. In the first half of 2025, remittances sent home by Uzbek workers - mainly from Russia, Turkey, and South Korea - jumped 27% year-on-year to reach around $8.2 billion, providing a surge in household consumption. At the same time, both public and private investment are climbing. Government spending on infrastructure and industrial projects remains high, and foreign capital is flowing in at record levels. According to Uzbekistan’s Ministry of Investment, Industry and Trade, foreign direct investment reached about $10 billion in 2024, the highest on record. Projects span energy, agriculture, and information technology, with investors from South Korea, China, the Gulf states, and Europe among the most active. The International Monetary Fund’s 2024 Article IV Consultation observed that “robust investment and resilient consumption” have kept growth well above the overall regional average. Reforms Since 2016 Have Laid the Groundwork This acceleration did not happen by chance. Since President Shavkat Mirziyoyev came to power in 2016, Uzbekistan has pursued a series of market-oriented reforms to dismantle decades of economic isolation and stagnation. The government unified the exchange rate, lifted currency restrictions, and simplified customs and tax rules. It began privatizing state...

Police

Twelve Years On, Tajikistan’s Police Reform Struggles to Deliver Real Change

Launched in 2013, Tajikistan’s police reform aimed to modernize law enforcement, increase transparency, and build public trust. Twelve years later, while some progress is acknowledged, experts say the main objectives remain largely unfulfilled. Signs of Progress Sadriddin Saidov, chairman of the Sughd regional branch of the Bar Association, notes improved accessibility to law enforcement. “Now citizens can file complaints through hotlines or electronically, which means people can reach out at any time,” he said. In remote areas, mobile police units, minibuses outfitted as service offices, now provide legal consultations and assistance. Gulchehra Kholmatova, Head of the Legal Assistance Group of the Civil Society Coalition against Torture and Impunity in Tajikistan, said there is increasing dialogue between civil society and the state. NGOs are more frequently invited to discuss human rights issues and, in some cases, are granted access to detention centers. Recent legislative changes have guaranteed detainees access to legal counsel and introduced safeguards against abuse. With international support, Tajik police officers now undergo human rights training aimed at preventing torture. Human rights advocate Larisa Aleksandrova cites specific gains in addressing domestic violence. The number of inspectors focused on preventing family violence has risen from 14 to 22, improving the registration and response to complaints. “The number of appeals to police regarding domestic violence has risen, and case registration has improved,” she said. Where the Reform Falls Short Yet many argue these reforms are more cosmetic than structural. Lawyer Bakhtiyor Nasrulloev contends the process resembles “degradation” rather than progress. “Access to local police stations has become more complicated due to multi-level controls and guards. This creates the impression that the police are distancing themselves from society, not moving closer,” he said. Nasrulloev criticized the reform as superficial, focusing on new uniforms and rebranding without addressing systemic issues. Kholmatova notes that public oversight of detention facilities remains weak, and torture cases often go unpunished. Aleksandrova adds that the reform slogan, “My police protect me,” has yet to become reality. “Nothing changes fundamentally. Even those who want to work honestly are constrained by a rigid system of control and subordination,” she said. Experts point to lingering Soviet-era practices, where success is measured by the number of cases opened rather than investigative quality. For Saidov, a key obstacle is low public engagement. “Reforms will succeed only if citizens actively express their opinions and proposals,” he said. Aleksandrova also highlights insufficient gender sensitivity in police responses to discrimination and domestic violence. What Experts Propose To move forward, Nasrulloev has called for a major restructuring that would separate investigative bodies from the Ministry of Internal Affairs and remove them from prosecutorial control. He also suggested making district inspectors and patrol officers accountable to local governments to better address community needs. He recommended merging overlapping departments, including criminal investigations, drug control, and organized crime units, to reduce bureaucracy and increase efficiency. Kholmatova highlighted the need for independent monitoring, greater transparency, and training that follows international human rights standards. Aleksandrova proposed mandatory video recordings of interrogations and the...

Special Needs

Attitudes Toward Children with Special Needs in Kazakhstan Are Beginning to Shift

An appalling call by an Almaty-based blogger to "kill autistic people" has reignited public debate over attitudes toward children with special needs in Kazakhstan, revealing deep-rooted prejudices that persist in society despite ongoing reforms. Shocking Comments and a Criminal Case “There are too many autistic people, they need to be treated, and if they cannot be cured, they should be killed or autism hospitals should be opened. Children with autism have no feelings!” wrote Almaty blogger Raihan Zhumamuratova in a now-deleted post on social media. Her remarks sparked outrage online and drew swift condemnation from authorities. Zhumamuratova's post followed a disturbing incident on August 23, when a mother posted on Instagram that her two-year-old son was attacked in a courtyard by a teenager who picked him up, threw him in the air, and then fled while covering his ears. The act was captured on video. Initial reports suggested the 13-year-old boy may have a mental health condition, possibly an autism spectrum disorder, though no official diagnosis has been confirmed. The Auezov District Police Department opened a criminal case, and the teenager’s parents were held accountable for failing to properly fulfill their parental duties. Zhumamuratova's comments were widely condemned. The Autism Kazakhstan association filed a formal complaint, prompting Almaty police to launch an investigation. Minister of Labor and Social Protection Svetlana Zhakupova stated, “I think law enforcement agencies will take the right decisions regarding this blogger. The harshest ones.” “You know, we are building an inclusive society together. We do not tolerate discrimination against people with disabilities,” Zhakupova added. “Children with autism are currently under the special supervision of several government agencies, the Ministry of Education, our Ministry of Labor, and the Ministry of Health. We fully support these children.” A Pattern of Neglect and Violence While Zhumamuratova’s statements have drawn near-universal condemnation, this is not the first time a child has been seriously harmed by a teenager with a psychiatric condition. In February 2025, a teenager attacked a five-year-old with a knife inside an elevator in a residential building in Astana. The assault was also recorded and widely circulated online. The attacker, who is registered at a psychoneurological clinic, was later placed in a psychiatric hospital. His legal guardian was held accountable, according to Children’s Rights Commissioner Dinara Zakieva. Parents of children with special needs frequently report being left to cope alone. Rehabilitation services are limited, oversight is weak, and resources are stretched thin. A Long Road to Inclusion Kazakhstan faces systemic challenges in building an inclusive society. For decades, people with psychiatric or developmental diagnoses were kept out of public view. Traditional nomadic culture stigmatized them, and under the Soviet regime, psychiatric diagnoses often carried punitive implications that brought shame upon families. Many citizens today remain uninformed about developmental disorders like autism. As a result, people with such conditions are often met with fear or hostility. Compounding the issue, disability benefits remain low, making private care and quality rehabilitation inaccessible for most families. As of March 1, 2025, Kazakhstan...