• KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00205 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10724 0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00205 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10724 0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00205 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10724 0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00205 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10724 0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00205 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10724 0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00205 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10724 0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00205 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10724 0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00205 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10724 0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 95

Iran Volatility Tests Central Asia’s Overland Corridors

The current escalation around Iran holds the potential for transforming the long-term geopolitical configuration of Eurasia, including Central Asia. In the short and medium term, aside from the security and safety of its citizens, Central Asia's main concern is economic, because it puts stress on overland rail and trucking routes that cross Iranian territory. Central Asian exporters do not ship through the Gulf, so for now the key issue is whether an Iran-crossing land route remains reliable enough, and financeable enough, to serve as a routine outlet for trade. The Iran transit option differs from trans-Caspian reliance on ports and rail interfaces around the Caspian Sea, transiting to onward rail across the South Caucasus and into Europe. The Iran option offers a continuous land arc from Central Asian railheads and road networks into Iran, then onward to Türkiye and connected European rail networks, with the additional possibility of reaching Iran’s southern ports for Indian Ocean-facing trade. Each route has its own chokepoints, paperwork burdens, and exposure to risk premiums. Rail is efficient for bulk and container flows when schedules and documentation are stable. Trucking provides flexibility, short-notice capacity, and last-mile options, but it is more sensitive to security conditions and border clearance delays. Technical capacity at the Iran–Turkmenistan crossings is key. Recent reports of discussions in Sarakhs describe efforts to expand the use of a specialized rail logistics process whereby entire wheel assemblies are replaced on railcars to transition between different track gauges. There is also a need to address customs constraints at Sarakhs and Incheh Borun. Against that operational background, Kazakhstan has signaled diplomatic attention to Gulf partners and Jordan. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has sent messages of support to leaders of the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Bahrain, and Kuwait, followed by a similar message to Jordan, and a phone call with Qatar’s emir. The language emphasized solidarity and diplomacy and, in commercial terms, reads as partner-management. It reassures major investors and energy-market counterparts that Kazakhstan is engaged, attentive, and positioning itself for stability rather than escalation. The trans-Iran rail foundation is over a decade old. On December 3, 2014, the presidents of Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, and Iran inaugurated the 928-kilometer Uzen–Bereket–Gorgan railway, characterized by RFE/RL (which gave the length as 935 kilometers) as the shortest railway connecting the three states. The International Union of Railways similarly notes the inauguration of the Gorgan–Inche Boroun link on that date as part of the corridor connecting Iran to Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan. Recent reporting suggests renewed efforts to operationalize the Iran option as a westbound channel. Uzbekistan, in cooperation with Türkiye, launched freight rail services along the Uzbekistan–Turkmenistan–Iran–Türkiye route in 2022. The Organization of Turkic States described a December 2022 event in Tashkent as the first freight train organized from Türkiye to Uzbekistan, which anchors the same basic idea: make westbound rail via Iran more regular and more visible to logistics markets. The point is not that Iran becomes the sole answer, but that Central Asian exporters and transit states have been...

Central Asia Confronts Iran War Fallout as Trade Routes and Citizens Come Under Pressure

Central Asian governments are racing to protect citizens and keep trade moving as the U.S.–Israel war with Iran widens across the Middle East, disrupting airspace and driving up shipping and energy costs. The effects of the conflict are reaching a region that has spent the past four years trying to diversify trade routes and reduce dependence on maritime chokepoints, now disrupted by rising risk and transport volatility. The threat to its citizens has become immediate for Central Asian governments. On March 1, Kazakhstan’s Foreign Ministry said that it was working on evacuation measures for its nationals in escalation zones and urged citizens to follow official updates from diplomatic missions. It also advised Kazakh citizens in Iran to explore overland exits, including via Azerbaijan, Armenia, Türkiye, and Turkmenistan, given airspace closures and flight suspensions. Uzbekistan’s Foreign Ministry issued safety guidance for citizens in the United Arab Emirates, urging them to avoid crowded areas and adhere to official security directives as tensions in the region escalated. Tajik nationals have already been among those leaving Iran through Azerbaijan’s Astara crossing, with The Times of Central Asia reporting yesterday that five civilians from Tajikistan are among foreigners from numerous countries who have crossed from Iran into Azerbaijan. For Central Asia, the crisis is hitting both its people and its trade routes. The same border crossings used for evacuations sit on corridors that carry freight and connect the region to southern markets. Azerbaijan’s role as a transit hub has grown sharply over the past decade, but in this crisis, it is also a pressure valve for land exits from Iran. As of March 2, more than 300 people have been evacuated from Iran via Azerbaijan. Any tightening at borders or disruptions to rail and road links around the Caspian immediately affect how Central Asian states move both people and cargo. Oil and shipping costs are rising sharply. On March 1, oil prices jumped by around 10%, with analysts warning prices could move toward $100 a barrel if disruption in the Strait of Hormuz worsens. The impact across Central Asia has been uneven. Kazakhstan may see stronger export revenues in the short term due to higher crude prices, but that gain comes with volatility and increased import costs across the region. ING stated that stronger commodity prices could improve the external balance of fuel exporters such as Kazakhstan, while increasing inflation risks for importers. Shipping poses a deeper structural risk. Tanker owners and traders have slowed or suspended transits through the Strait of Hormuz because of security fears and insurance constraints, even without a formal blockade. Higher risk premiums feed directly into freight rates on the routes Central Asian exporters use to reach Europe, the Gulf, and South Asia. When insurers reprice war risk, smaller shippers and landlocked economies absorb the cost first. Iran is central to Central Asia’s trade geography. It serves as a transit state for the southern corridor linking Central Asian rail and port networks to Türkiye, Europe, and the Gulf. Central Asian...

The Board of Peace and Central Asia: Asserting Agency in a Fragmented Order

President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev’s speech at the inaugural meeting of U.S. President Donald Trump’s Board of Peace in Washington on February 19 was not only a foreign policy event, but one with significant domestic resonance. The initiatives announced include Kazakhstan’s participation in the reconstruction of Gaza, financial commitments, and readiness to send peacekeepers. Against the backdrop of economic challenges and ongoing constitutional reforms, however, a substantial segment of Kazakh society is questioning whether such an active foreign policy posture is justified at this time. The Board of Peace, the charter for which was ratified in Davos in January 2026 on the sidelines of the World Economic Forum, is positioned as an alternative to traditional multilateral institutions. According to Trump, the new body should not merely discuss conflicts, but will also "almost be looking over the United Nations and making sure it runs properly." Symbolically, the Board’s launch comes amid U.S. reductions and withholding of UN-related funding and withdrawals from multiple international bodies, alongside a partial U.S. payment toward UN arrears and the parallel creation of alternative financial and security mechanisms. According to the U.S. Mission to Kazakhstan, at the first meeting of the Board of Peace, nine members pledged a combined $7 billion aid package for the Gaza Strip. Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, the UAE, Morocco, Bahrain, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and Kuwait indicated their willingness to contribute. Additionally, Trump pledged $10B in U.S. funding, framing peace and reconstruction as a strategic priority. However, experts note that these sums fall far short of projected needs. According to joint UN-EU-World Bank estimates, the full reconstruction of Gaza could require up to $70 billion. In addition, the implementation of projects is complicated by the issue of disarming Hamas, which is designated as a terrorist organization in the U.S. and the European Union. At present, there is no indication that any Western or regional government intends to revise that designation. A notable feature of the Washington summit was the synchronized participation and subsequent public statements of key member states of the Organization of Turkic States (OTS). Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, and Turkey effectively acted as what appeared to be an aligned geopolitical grouping, albeit without a formal declaration of joint action. What Is Kazakhstan Seeking? For Astana, participation in the Board of Peace appears to represent a renewed step in its multi-vector foreign policy doctrine. Tokayev directly stated Kazakhstan’s readiness to send medical units and observers to international stabilization forces and to allocate more than 500 educational grants for Palestinian students. In effect, Kazakhstan is reinforcing its image as a “Middle Power” prepared not only for diplomatic mediation but also for tangible contributions to international security efforts. This course aligns with the country’s existing participation in UN missions. Currently, 139 Kazakh military personnel are serving in the Golan Heights under the UN Disengagement Observer Force mandate. Nevertheless, the intensification of foreign policy engagement is raising domestic questions. Concerns voiced on social media and among experts include whether the international agenda risks diverting attention from internal economic pressures, including...

The Board of Peace and the Emerging C6 Regional Ecosystem

Washington is hosting the first summit of the Board of Peace, an initiative convened by U.S. President Donald Trump. Aircraft carrying leaders from several post-Soviet states have arrived at Joint Base Andrews. While Russia and Belarus have been invited - representation levels vary - the presidents of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Azerbaijan have traveled to the United States in person. Although each leader has a separate bilateral agenda, Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, and Ilham Aliyev share a broader objective: presenting a consolidated regional grouping, informally referred to as the C6, in which Kazakhstan is seen as playing a leading role. Tokayev, a career diplomat who previously served as a senior United Nations official, has developed a consistent approach to foreign visits, which typically includes a meeting with Kazakh citizens residing abroad, particularly students and young professionals, and the publication of an opinion piece in a leading outlet in the host country. During his current visit to the United States, he met members of the Kazakh diaspora and published an article in The National Interest outlining his vision for international stability. [caption id="attachment_44160" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev meets with Kazakh citizens living and studying in the United States; image: Akorda.kz[/caption] According to Kazakh political analyst Andrei Chebotarev, the central theme of Tokayev’s article is the importance of stability amid intensifying geopolitical rivalry and growing international conflicts. Chebotarev emphasized Tokayev’s call for a pragmatic international order grounded in the rule of law, accountability, predictable commitments, and respect for national and cultural identities, arguing that ideologically driven frameworks have proven ineffective. Tokayev described the Board of Peace as “not just another forum for endless discussions,” but as a practical initiative aimed at delivering tangible outcomes, particularly in relation to the Gaza Strip and the broader Middle East. He characterized the White House’s approach as one that views peace “not as a slogan, but as a project” built around infrastructure, investment, employment, and long-term stability. “This initiative deserves respect and international attention,” Tokayev said. During his visit to the United States last November for the C5+1 summit, Tokayev held meetings with senior U.S. officials, including Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick, as well as executives from major international corporations. A delegation led by Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Economy Serik Zhumangarin is also in Washington during the current visit. In addition to promoting investment and technology partnerships, the delegation engaged with members of Congress involved in efforts to repeal the Jackson-Vanik amendment, which continues to complicate trade relations between the United States and certain Central Asian countries. Mirziyoyev has pursued a similar agenda during his current visit, holding meetings with U.S. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick and U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer. He also met representatives of American businesses and signed an agreement establishing a new investment platform. [caption id="attachment_44171" align="aligncenter" width="1280"] A set of bilateral agreements on priority areas of Uzbekistan-U.S. cooperation was signed; image: President.uz[/caption] Aliyev, for his part, met in Washington with the leadership of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, including...

President Tokayev’s Washington Visit: Peace is Not a Bridge Too Far

 On February 19, President Tokayev will meet President Trump for the third time in six months to advance Trump’s Board of Peace initiative – an undertaking that aligns with Kazakhstan’s long-articulated view that peace remains achievable, even in a war-torn world under seemingly impossible odds. This approach emphasizes sustained diplomacy, interfaith coexistence, economic integration, and respect for human dignity. Moreover, Washington has not only pivoted towards Central Asia but has found Kazakhstan a rational and predictable partner in an increasingly chaotic and multipolar world — one in need of credible mediators capable of engaging across political, economic, and religious divides. In accepting Trump’s invitation to join the Board, Tokayev has assumed a role consistent with Kazakhstan’s long-articulated identity and practice as a bridge-builder. Kazakhstan’s lived experience of pluralism and balanced pragmatic diplomacy gives that role substance. Kazakhstan brings to the Board a distinctive societal composition that has, despite differences, remained cohesive and broadly tolerant. Although it is a Muslim-majority country in Central Asia, it is also home to a substantial Christian, agnostic, and atheist population and has more than 100 ethnic groups. This demographic and religious diversity is not peripheral to its national identity and story as a relatively newly formed nation; it is foundational and will resonate as it carries out its responsibilities as a member of the Board. For decades, Kazakhstan has institutionalized interreligious dialogue as a matter of state policy rather than relying on symbolic rhetoric. In the process, it has learned to separate political ideology from the core principles of religious freedom and freedom of conscience. The Board of Peace initiative fits squarely within Tokayev’s priorities. As he said recently, this new platform is a “timely and relevant initiative designed to deliver meaningful and long-lasting results” in tackling global conflicts, aiming to complement—not replace—institutions like the United Nations. For Kazakhstan, participation reflects the external expression of that domestic model of pluralism and balanced engagement. It builds on Kazakhstan’s long experience of managing domestic diversity while sustaining balanced relations across competing global power centers through disciplined statecraft and structured dialogue. Kazakhstan brings this worldview into its seasoned practice of diplomacy. On the Board of Peace, Tokayev will bring experience and practical recommendations to the table. Other heads of state joining Tokayev include another Central Asian leader, President Mirziyoyev of Uzbekistan. A Continuation of Kazakhstan’s Role as an International Mediator This visit to Washington continues Kazakhstan's long-standing diplomatic tradition of prioritizing dialogue without dogma, development without division, and peace through prosperity. Tokayev has consistently framed the country’s foreign policy in measured terms: “Kazakhstan will continue to serve as a bridge-builder and peacemaker. It will also continue to choose balance over domination, cooperation over confrontation, and peace over war.” Rather than mere aspirational rhetoric, this statement, made at the 80th United Nations General Assembly in 2025, reflects a pragmatic doctrine that has guided Astana’s multi-dimensional diplomacy — maintaining constructive relations across competing power centers while advancing mediation, confidence-building, and multilateral engagement as tools of stability. This approach is structural...

Opinion: Mirziyoyev in Washington – New Deals Expected Amidst Peace Diplomacy

The President of Uzbekistan, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, has arrived on a working visit to Washington to participate in the inaugural meeting of President Trump’s Board of Peace on February 19, 2026, alongside the Presidents of Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, and other heads of state. Against a backdrop of deep geopolitical tensions and raging conflicts across the world, Mirziyoyev’s second visit to the White House in less than four months suggests that U.S.-Uzbekistan relations are at their strongest in decades. Mirziyoyev will be joined by Uzbekistan’s Foreign Minister, Minister of Investments, Industry and Trade, and other high-ranking officials. Uzbek Ambassador to the U.S. Sidikov and his team have been working around-the-clock for over two weeks, gearing up for the Trump–Mirziyoyev meeting. President Mirziyoyev’s objective will be to elevate U.S.-Uzbek relations from a constructive relationship to a fully functional, deal-oriented partnership with a focus on capital flows and bilateral trade.  In addition to his desire for regional stability in West Asia, his signing up for the Board of Peace should be understood as indicating his desire to advance trade and investment and flows into Uzbekistan. The Uzbeks are keen to nail down new money and capital guarantees to fund infrastructure along the U.S.-brokered “Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity,” aka, the Zangezur Corridor between Armenia and Azerbaijan (TRIPP) – a roughly 27-mile-long piece of land that links Europe to Central Asia and beyond through the Caucasus. TRIPP matters to Trump because it advances two goals at once: stabilizing the South Caucasus while more fully integrating U.S. trade with Uzbekistan and the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route (TITR)—a multimodal, 4,000 km transport network connecting China and East Asia with Europe via Kazakhstan, the Caspian Sea, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Turkey. Apart from the issues on the Board of Peace agenda, Mirziyoyev will push for ironclad U.S. commitments and cold, hard cash for transport corridors and their downstream beneficiaries. Two big reasons driving Mirziyoyev ‘s thinking: first, Uzbekistan is one of only two double-landlocked countries in the world, the other being Liechtenstein—and second, Trump’s desire to nail down a peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan, thereby resolving a long-standing territorial dispute that has taken thousands of lives. Mirziyoyev knows that Trump sees TRIPP as a path to lasting peace and regional prosperity across the broader region, which fits into the Board of Peace narrative. Trump has referenced TRIPP repeatedly over the past year, and Mirziyoyev is well aware of this.  At UNGA last September 23, 2025, Trump said: "President Mirziyoyev is a terrific leader, and with this TRIPP corridor, Uzbekistan is going to see massive trade flowing through – it's going to connect them directly to new markets without all the old hassles." And as Trump said on November 7, 2025, at the C5+1 Summit in Washington: "I've got great respect for President Mirziyoyev – he's doing amazing things in Uzbekistan. The Trump Route, i.e., the TRIPP, is perfect for them; it's going to cut transit times and costs, making Uzbekistan a powerhouse in regional trade." Mirziyoyev is paying...