• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00192 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10895 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00192 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10895 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00192 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10895 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00192 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10895 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00192 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10895 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00192 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10895 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00192 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10895 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00192 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10895 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
15 December 2025

Our People > Jonathan Campion

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Jonathan Campion

Senior Editor

Jonathan Campion has worked in the Eurasia region since 2007. After leaving Exeter University with a degree in Russian Language, he worked as a writer, editor, analyst and translator for international law firms, market research firms and business forums serving the CIS region's major industries.

With a passion for Central Asia, he has covered the region in esteemed publications such as the Lonely Planet, Open Central Asia magazine, and National Geographic Traveler.

Jonathan's first book, about a sports team from the Eurasia region, was shortlisted at the Charles Tyrwhitt Sports Book Awards in 2025.

Articles

Hydropower, Social Media and Climate Change: Some News From Tajikistan That You May Have Missed

Drought Triggers Power Rationing at Nurek Hydro Station In early December, the Tajik government reintroduced electricity rationing after reservoir levels at the Nurek Hydroelectric Power Station fell sharply, due to an unusually dry autumn. The station normally supplies around 70% of the national grid, but current water levels are significantly below last year’s benchmark, affecting both domestic consumption and exports. According to Reuters, water levels have dropped more than three meters in the past month. With shortages now affecting many regions, authorities have ordered public buildings to cut electricity outside of working hours and have switched off most street lighting. Tajikistan is seeking emergency imports from Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan to stabilize supply. The crisis highlights vulnerabilities in a system dominated by hydropower. While Tajikistan has invested heavily in modernizing Nurek and other plants to improve winter reliability, lower precipitation remains a persistent threat. For regional energy markets, particularly those looking at cross-border electricity trade, the situation demonstrates how even large renewable systems are becoming more unpredictable under climate stress. Rogun: Progress, Profits, and Persistent Disputes Ambition continues to define the Rogun hydropower project, intended to make Tajikistan a top electricity exporter in the Eurasia region. With a projected capacity of 3,780 MW, Rogun is designed to host the world’s tallest dam. Financing momentum is building: the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank has launched a $500 million multi-phase initiative, and Tajikistan has signed an energy-sale agreement with Uzbekistan at 3.4 US cents per kWh, paving the way for long-term regional integration. But Rogun’s size continues to attract scrutiny, especially downstream. An investigation has been approved by the World Bank’s Inspection Panel into claims from Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan that altered flows on the Amu Darya river could damage farmland and ecosystems. The project’s social footprint is also expanding, with resettlement estimates reaching as high as 60,000 people. Development banks have slowed some financing, pending stricter environmental and regional safeguards. Local environmental researchers and activists argue that international oversight is still insufficient, warning that the cumulative ecological impact of Central Asian dam-building could become irreversible if accountability is delayed. Digital “Likes” Decriminalised, But Restrictions Remain President Emomali Rahmon has signed amendments to remove criminal penalties for “liking” or otherwise reacting to online content labelled as "extremist". Under previous legislation, social media users could face up to 15 years in prison for interacting with banned material. More than 1,500 people have been prosecuted under those rules, according to Reuters. The government presented the reform as a correction of overly zealous enforcement, following Rahmon’s public criticism of harsh prosecutions. Yet rights monitors see only minimal change. The latest Human Rights Watch report on Tajikistan notes a continued clampdown on media, opposition figures and citizen journalists. The Committee to Protect Journalists ranks Tajikistan among the most restrictive media environments in Eurasia. European officials have echoed these concerns. An OSCE-backed statement by European embassies denounced the opaque eight-year treason conviction of journalist Rukhshona Khakimova, reportedly linked to analysis of Chinese policy. For many observers, the relaxed online...

6 days ago

British-Kazakh Cultural Festival Returns to Burabay

Burabay, a popular lake resort in northern Kazakhstan, has hosted the 10th edition of the 'Voices of Friends: Poetry & Art' festival, which ran from 29 November to 2 December. The annual gathering, arranged by the London-based Eurasian Creative Guild (ECG), has become one of Central Asia's events for cultural collaboration, bringing together writers, filmmakers, visual artists and musicians from 20 countries. This year’s programme continued the festival’s mix of literature and modern arts, with an emphasis for 2025 on emerging film talent, through the youth-focused Cinema Future festival and the Burabay International Short Film Festival (BISFF). According to filmmaker and BISFF jury member Timur Akhmedjanov, “Young filmmakers from different countries on one screen [means] the birth of a new generation of cinema.” Alongside film events, the festival featured book presentations from publishers Hertfordshire Press, discussions about art, performances by an international community choir, and creative workshops hosted at the ECG Horizons residency. Organisers emphasised that for the festival, collaboration is as important as presentation. “The festival grows like a living universe of ideas and emotions. Here everyone is a creator – and everyone feels that their voice matters,” said festival director and cultural projects author Taina Kaunis. During the event's closing ceremony, awards were presented to some figures shaping Eurasian culture, while the Eurasian Creative Guild announced a change in leadership ahead of its 2026 season. Founder Marat Akhmedjanov, originally from Uzbekistan but now residing in Scotland, highlighted the organisation’s international ethos, saying: “Creativity knows no borders. We speak dozens of languages, yet understand each other perfectly.” ECG vice-chair Saltanat Khamzeyeva called it “the beginning of a big story” for cultural development in Central Asia. The Guild underscores that the Burabay resort has become more than a picturesque location for a festival. Chair Francesca Mepham summed up its growing impact: “We see Eurasian creativity becoming a global voice – and this voice will only become stronger.”

2 weeks ago

New Book Review: ‘Silk Mirage: Through the Looking Glass in Uzbekistan’ by Joanna Lillis

“Vibrant” and “brutal” are words that British journalist Joanna Lillis uses to describe Uzbekistan in her new book Silk Mirage: Through the Looking Glass in Uzbekistan, released this week through Bloomsbury. But they could just as easily be used to describe the book itself. In her own words, Lillis, a Central Asia correspondent for The Economist and other media, set out to create "a portrait of Uzbekistan from independence to the modern-day, dipping into history to demonstrate where the country came from and how it got where it is today, and offer clues about where it is going." She achieves this with a book that is clear-eyed and meticulously researched, detailing how Uzbekistan’s two 21st-century leaders, presidents Islam Karimov and Shavkat Mirziyoyev, have shaped the lives of Uzbekistan’s remarkable people. The book opens with a summary of the paranoia and violence of the Karimov era (1989-2016), told through Lillis’ experience of having recently arrived in Tashkent in 2001. She lived in the country until 2005, and has spent a lot of time in Uzbekistan thereafter. While the western media that reported on Karimov’s death in 2016 speculated on a battle behind the scenes to succeed him, Silk Mirage is clear that power was always going to pass to Miziyoyev, who had been Karimov's prime minister for the previous 14 years. Lillis does, though, memorably mention that "there may have been a fierce under-the-rug catfight." A recurring topic in Silk Mirage is the repression of the media in Uzbekistan, and local journalists’ need to self-censor and avoid uncomfortable issues. There is none of that in this absolutely fearless book. Lillis gives stark details of Karimov’s human rights abuses, particularly in accounts of the horrific Jaslyk prison. She also confronts his successor’s failure to eradicate some of the injustices in the present day.  When comparisons are made between life under Karimov, referred to as "Old Uzbekistan", and the New Uzbekistan of Mirziyoyev, the progress towards democracy is described as a qualified success. The country now has a parliament with younger, more accountable deputies; however, “opposition” is still a dirty word, and the proliferation of new political parties is misleading.  Economic reforms have led to the previous official corruption and black market profiteering being replaced with a state that is friendlier to local businesses and foreign investors alike. That being said, there are still restrictions on citizens’ rights. So, have Mirziyoyev’s plans for democracy and reforms been slowed down by systemic issues – the need for his government to first dismantle the dictatorship he inherited? Or is Karimov’s old ally too much of a product of Old Uzbekistan to fully stop the past from repeating? Lillis leaves the reader to decide for themself.  Silk Mirage dedicates chapters to events in Uzbekistan that have occasionally caught international attention. The last two decades have seen the authorities’ 2005 massacre of hundreds of people in the eastern city of Andijan, which was blamed on an ambiguous Islamist cult; outcries over forced labour and child labour in...

1 month ago

Uzbek Restaurant in Nashville Recommended by Michelin Guide

It may not have yet earned a coveted star, but a small Uzbek restaurant in Nashville, Tennessee has impressed reviewers from Michelin. This month Uzbegim, on the city’s 28th Avenue North, was named on the Nashville Bib Gourmand list, which is composed by Michelin’s Guide. In its own words, a place on the Bib Gourmand list “acknowledges excellent food at more affordable prices”. The Central Asian diner, whose dishes are halal, appears alongside much bigger and more established spots. The accolade is a reward for the superb traditional Uzbek food offered by owner Ulugbek Fayziev, who opened his restaurant in the east of Nashville in late 2023. Uzbegim is located at the back of a pizzeria, which is owned by different Uzbeks who let Fayziev use their space. Michelin’s Guide mentions that Uzbegim “promises something different, specializing in authentic Uzbek cuisine in a space with a stunning patio. Originating in Islamic China and traveling across to the Middle East, this is a cuisine that features some of the usual suspects (think kebabs) as well as standouts like Uyghur-style, hand-cut noodles.” Nashville local Mark Reese is a fan of the restaurant. “Uzbegim has what I call Central Asian comfort food,” he tells The Times of Central Asia. “It serves chaikhona [cafe-style] plov with tender lamb, rice, raisins and carrots. Shashlik [kebab] with onions and vinegar. 'Kazan kabob' is a highlight with chunks of tender meat and potatoes cooked perfectly, fork tender. My favorite is the Uyghur laghmon [noodles], both boiled and fried. The noodles were freshly prepared with just enough spicy broth, meat and bell peppers to offset the noodles.” Reese is well acquainted with Uzbek cuisine: he has worked in Central Asia’s education and cultural spheres for 30 years, and was awarded Uzbekistan’s Order of Do'stlik for his English translation of Abdulla Qodiriy’s historical novel O’tkan Kunlar (Bygone Days). He explains to The Times of Central Asia: "Nashville is relatively new as an emerging place for Uzbeks and other Central Asians to live. Vanderbilt University is home to quite a few Uzbek students." Noting some links between this part of the southern United States and Uzbekistan, Reese adds: “Uzbeks have lived in Tennessee for decades, especially Memphis. Uzbeks are naturally attracted to an emerging city that has slowly become internationalized. Especially the Umarov family engage in philanthropic activities, including cancer research for children’s hospitals." Nashville's Uzbek diaspora may have discovered Uzbegim first, but since Michelin's review, new American customers are sure to wander in, to taste Central Asian comfort food for themselves.

1 month ago

New Projects, Evolving Trade: Recent News from Tajikistan That You Might Have Missed

Recent weeks in Tajikistan have seen new investment deals, changing trade dynamics, and interesting social developments. Here are some stories that you may have missed. Energy investments pledged at Dushanbe Invest-2025 The Dushanbe Invest-2025 Forum resulted in 26 agreements worth roughly US $3.1 billion across the energy, manufacturing, and telecommunications sectors. Energy projects accounted for nearly US $2.4 billion of that total, reflecting Dushanbe’s aims to position itself as a hydropower hub for Central Asia. Officials also promoted “green investment” and developments in AI, while President Emomali Rahmon met with Qatar’s minister for foreign trade to discuss economic cooperation. These moves signal a drive to attract sustainable finance, and diversify an economy that is still reliant on remittances from Tajik guest workers in Russia. Growing trade with Iran and Uzbekistan Regional trade expanded significantly in October. Tajikistan and Iran reaffirmed their intention to expand industrial and trade cooperation, with mutual turnover nearing $380 million in 2024 and a target to surpass $500 million in the near future. Agreements include joint ventures in mining, agriculture, and pharmaceuticals. At the same time, trade between Tajikistan and Uzbekistan reached over $70o million in 2024 -- an almost three-fold increase from recent years. The governments of the neighboring countries are now exploring logistics corridors and simplified customs rules to further integrate their economies. Tourism boom: International visitors up by a quarter With increased government support, tourism has become one of Tajikistan’s most promising growth sectors. During the first nine months of 2025, the country received nearly 1.4 million foreign visitors -- a 24 percent increase compared with previous years. The influx of tourists is driven by new simplified visa rules, social media campaigns, and improved domestic air routes. Adventure travel in the Pamir Mountains and cultural tourism in ancient cities such as Khujand and Istaravshan are leading this wave. Sharp decline in UK trade New figures show that trade between Tajikistan and the United Kingdom fell by almost 39 percent in the four quarters ending Q2 2025, totaling just £22 million. Imports from the UK dropped 32 percent, while exports from Tajikistan plunged 62.5 percent, according to the UK trade factsheet. Landmark border agreement ratified In late October, Uzbekistan’s parliament approved a trilateral border-junction agreement with Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, resolving a long-standing territorial issue. The agreement should ease cross-border trade and transportation, reduce tensions in remote areas, and open the door to regional infrastructure projects linking the three countries. For Tajikistan, which has some of Central Asia’s most complex borders, the agreement represents a diplomatic milestone that could translate into tangible economic gains. Looking ahead The last month’s events highlight that Tajikistan is cautiously re-entering international dialogue in Central Asia and beyond. Tajikistan’s leadership is using investment forums, tourism, and pragmatic diplomacy to stabilize and diversify the economy. Yet challenges remain, chiefly the country's heavy economic dependence on remittances, vulnerability to climate-related shocks, and limited industrial capacity.

1 month ago

Old Kazakhstan in Retreat: The Fate of Nazarbayev’s Allies

Since early 2022, the influence of the so-called “Old Kazakhstan” - the political and business circle that once surrounded former President Nursultan Nazarbayev — has been steadily eroded. Institutions have been reshaped, loyalties tested, and the once-untouchable elite has found itself under unprecedented scrutiny. Yet the names of Nazarbayev and his closest allies still surface regularly in courtrooms, parliament debates, and media headlines. Are these prosecutions and investigations an attempt to build President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev’s vision of a “Fair Kazakhstan,” or do they mark a new phase of elite score-settling under the banner of reform? The Times of Central Asia examined the fortunes of six figures from Nazarbayev’s inner circle to trace the shifting balance of power. Nurbоl Nazarbayev Recent headlines have revived scrutiny of Nazarbayev's nephew Nurbоl Nazarbayev, the son of his late brother Bolat. Authorities have launched bankruptcy proceedings against him, citing debts of approximately 58 billion tenge ($107 million). His assets and bank accounts have been frozen, and he is subject to travel restrictions. Under the current law, Nurbоl will be barred from taking out loans for five years, registering as an individual entrepreneur, or conducting major financial transactions without notifying the relevant authorities. His assets may be liquidated to repay creditors, with the exception of his primary residence. Once listed as Kazakhstan’s 57th richest businessman by Forbes Kazakhstan, he held ownership stakes in Prime Capital Invest and Prime Capital Holding, was a co-owner of PLS Construction Company and PLS-TM, and the majority shareholder of the Almaty Heavy Machinery Plant. This legal action follows a parliamentary inquiry into a previously sealed court case initiated by the General Prosecutor’s Office. The court ordered the confiscation of assets worth 57 billion tenge ($105.5 million) and imposed a fine of 925 million tenge ($1.7 million), along with penalties totaling 230.4 million tenge ($425,000). Members of parliament, Rinat Zaitov and Ermurat Bapi, have both demanded transparency in the case. Zaitov called for a comprehensive audit of Nurbоl’s assets, including those linked to the Altyn Orda market and land plots in Almaty and its surrounding areas. Shortly afterward, Bapi echoed the call, referencing a complaint from a Karaganda businessman who claimed his company was seized in a raid involving Nazarbayev’s circle. Bapi criticized law enforcement for closing the case, calling it “a betrayal of the President’s vision of a Fair Kazakhstan.” Zhomart Ertayev Zhomart Ertayev, a flamboyant banker once sentenced to 11 years for embezzling 144 billion tenge ($266 million) from Bank RBK, was unexpectedly released earlier this year under an amnesty, according to the Committee of the Penal System. However, a month later, parliament deputy Abzal Kuspan announced that the court’s decision had been overturned, and a formal appeal to the Prosecutor General’s Office led to Ertayev’s re-arrest. Ertayev previously held refugee status and a Russian residence permit, both of which were revoked after Kazakhstan issued an international warrant for his arrest. Kairat Boranbayev Kairat Boranbayev, a prominent businessman and former in-law of the Nazarbayev family, was arrested in 2022 and...

2 months ago

In Tajikistan, Tradition Defines the Ideal Bride in a Changing World

In Tajikistan, the image of the “ideal bride” is shaped not only by character but by deep-rooted societal expectations. While wedding customs vary across Central Asia, they are united by traditional values that place a high premium on modesty, obedience, and domestic skill—qualities that can determine a woman’s future prospects in marriage. Restraint in All Things In traditional Tajik households, modesty is synonymous with decency. Future mothers-in-law scrutinise prospective brides for soft-spoken voices, humble body language, and conservative attire. In some homes, daughters-in-law are expected not to make direct eye contact with their parents-in-law—considered a mark of humility. Clothing is another marker. Revealing outfits like shorts or miniskirts are widely viewed as signs of frivolity and can irreparably damage a girl's reputation. Respect for elders is paramount. During the matchmaking process, the groom’s family pays close attention to whether a girl rises when elders enter the room, places her hand over her heart in greeting, and avoids using first names. A “well-raised” kelinka is also expected to manage the home without protest—never challenging her husband or his family, and always deferring to elder relatives. Cooking, especially traditional dishes like pilaf, cleaning, and hospitality are seen as baseline qualifications for marriage. Chastity as a Social Standard Virginity remains a critical factor in bride selection. Although the Tajik Ministry of Health does not officially require it, virginity testing remains widespread. A joint statement from the UN and WHO has condemned these tests as “humiliating, traumatic, and medically unnecessary.” In Tajik culture, premarital sex is widely considered a dishonour to the family. Some households even prohibit young women from grooming practices like eyebrow plucking until marriage, believing these are reserved for wives only. Age Expectations and Digital Matchmaking Efforts to arrange marriages can begin as early as a girl’s 18th birthday. In conservative communities, being unmarried by 30 may carry social stigma. However, this does not always preclude education or employment—many families now see value in educated daughters-in-law. In recent years, digital matchmaking has gained traction. Platforms like Facebook host matchmaking groups where relatives post ads in search of “decent and well-mannered” partners. Girls introducing potential matches often include detailed preferences such as height and eye colour. While the legal marriage age is 18, Tajik courts can authorise marriage at 17 in “exceptional circumstances.” In reality, these exceptions often stem from emotional or economic hardship—such as orphanhood, poverty, or family pressure. A Society in Transition? Despite these enduring customs, signs of change are emerging. Urbanisation, rising education levels, and increased internet access are giving Tajik women new tools to assert choice in their personal lives. NGOs and human rights organisations are pushing for better enforcement of existing protections, and the growing discourse around women’s rights may gradually soften the rigidity of old expectations. While traditions still dominate, a slow cultural shift is underway—one that may eventually reshape what it means to be the “ideal bride” in Tajikistan.  

5 months ago

Kyrgyz Politician Irina Karamushkina Detained on Suspicion of Offering Cash for Votes

Irina Karamushkina, a senior member of the Social Democrats party and a former deputy of Kyrgyzstan's Parliament, the Jogorku Kenesh, has been detained in Bishkek on suspicion of buying votes ahead of local elections on November 17. The Social Democrats are one of about 20 parties whose candidates are registered in the elections. According to the press service of the city's police department, on November 13 an audio recording surfaced on social media in Kyrgyzstan, in which the chief of staff of the Social Democrats party, identified as "I.K.", allegedly discussed vote buying with a person named "D.C." ahead of Sunday's elections. In response, Bishkek police investigators launched a criminal case under Article 196 of the Kyrgyz Criminal Code, addressing election bribery. Later, the police distributed an audio recording allegedly capturing a conversation between Karamushkina and Daniyar Cholponbaev -- the party's candidate for deputy -- where they appear to discuss offering bribes for votes. The investigation found that "T.R.", a trustee of the Social Democrats, and "I.K." were involved in voter bribery, offering 1,000 Kyrgyz som ($12) per vote. During a search of the party headquarters, authorities seized lists indicating payments of 15,000 to 30,000 som ($175 to $350) to over 40 individuals, along with 28,300 som ($330) in cash, believed to be intended for offering bribes to voters. "T.R." and "I.K." were detained as suspects and are being held in a temporary detention facility. The investigation is ongoing. On November 13, police and special forces raided the Social Democrats’ headquarters, evacuating everyone from the premises. Party leader Temirlan Sultanbekov was taken in for questioning, and Karamushkina’s residence was also searched as part of the investigation.

1 year ago

Kyrgyzstan Wants to Extend Prison Terms for “Calls to Seize Power”

Kyrgyzstan's Interior Ministry has proposed toughening the criminal penalties for inciting violent seizures of power. The ministry has tabled an amendment whereby those found to have breached Article 327 of Kyrgyzstan's Criminal Code (“Public calls for violent seizure of power”) could face between three and five years in prison. The Criminal Code currently only sets out a fine of 20,000 to 50,000 som ($236 to $590), or imprisonment of up to three years. The draft law has been submitted for public discussion. In Kyrgyzstan, it is not uncommon for civic activists and those who criticize the current government to be arrested on charges of "public calls for violent seizure of power". Among Kyrgyz citizens to have been convicted of this charge are Zarina Torokulova and Kanykei Aranova, who are both currently in prison after posting messages on social media. Their sentences are harsher than the law currently calls for: Torokulova was sentenced to five years in prison in 2023, while this year Aranova was sentenced to three and a half years. In June 2024, 20 Kyrgyz citizens who peacefully protested against a land swap with Uzbekistan involving the Kempir-Abad reservoir were acquitted by the court, but the prosecutor's office appealed the court's decision, demanding that they be found guilty. Furthermore, the Interior Ministry proposes increasing the prison term to five to seven years if the offense is committed by a group of individuals, or by using the internet or mass media. The current punishment is a fine of 50,000 to 100,000 som ($590 to $1,185) or imprisonment for three to five years. The draft bill also proposes to criminalize public calls for extremist activity and possession of extremist materials if a person has previously received a warning. For this purpose, new articles will be added to the Criminal Code: “Possession of extremist materials” and “Public calls for extremist activities.”  

1 year ago

Uzbekistan Brings Home Citizens Convicted Abroad

On August 13, Uzbekistan amended its Code of Criminal Procedure to compel Uzbekistan's citizens who have been imprisoned for crimes in certain foreign countries to serve the rest of their sentences in Uzbekistan. Uzbekistan has so far signed agreements with only 10 countries for imprisoned persons to be transferred to prisons in Uzbekistan to continue serving their sentences. According to Sherzod Tokhtashev, a politician from the government-aligned Miliy Tiklanish (National Revival) party, this law does not concern Uzbeks currently imprisoned in Russia. He did however mention that there are separate appeals in parliament to return Uzbek nationals convicted of crimes in Russia to domestic jails. At the same time, there are also calls for these prisoners' families to be brought home. “We receive requests to return children and relatives of Uzbeks from Russian prisons to Uzbekistan. Due to the lack of an agreement with Russia on the exchange of prisoners, everyone is helpless,” said Tokhtashev. According to Uzbek government, 20 citizens of Uzbekistan are currently serving terms in Italy, 250 in Turkey, and more than 450 in Kazakhstan.

1 year ago