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Trans-Caspian International Transport Route

Bulgarian Ports Eye Middle Corridor Expansion

Kazakhstan and Bulgaria are exploring the integration of Bulgaria's Black Sea ports of Burgas and Varna into the Trans-Caspian International Transport Corridor (TITC), a move that could significantly expand the reach of this crucial East-West trade route. The Trans-Caspian International Transport Route (TITR), also known as the "Middle Corridor," has been operational since 2017, connecting China, Kazakhstan, the Caspian Sea, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and ultimately, European countries. This multimodal corridor facilitates containerized cargo transport by rail and sea, primarily utilizing the Caspian Sea for maritime crossings. Spanning 11,000 kilometers, the route saw a substantial increase in cargo volume last year, reaching 4.5 million tons compared to 2.76 million tons the previous year. Astana anticipates further growth, projecting an annual freight traffic volume of 10 million tons on the TITR by 2028. This expansion is part of a broader strategy to broaden the Middle Corridor's geographical scope. The potential inclusion of Bulgarian ports was a key topic during Bulgarian President Rumen Radev's official visit to Kazakhstan. "Today, the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route has become one of the main international highways. We have agreed to consider the inclusion of the Bulgarian ports of Burgas and Varna in this corridor," stated Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, following talks with Radev. The discussions culminated in a ceremony where heads of state exchanged signed bilateral documents, including a memorandum of understanding between the Ministry of Transport of Kazakhstan and the Ministry of Transport and Communications of Bulgaria, focusing on the development of the TITR. Radev expressed optimism about the deepened cooperation. "I am confident that the talks will give new impetus to our cooperation. The signed memorandum on the further development of the Trans-Caspian Corridor is a reflection of our aspirations. It is necessary to make the most of the strategic geographical position of Kazakhstan and Bulgaria on this route, which connects Asia with Europe," he said. Later, at the Kazakhstan-Bulgaria Business Forum, Tokayev reiterated the target of 10 million tons per year for the TITR's capacity, aiming for this to be achieved by 2028. Previously The Times of Central Asia reported how, during the Astana International Forum, Kazakhstan's Deputy Foreign Minister Alibek Kuantyrov highlighted Kazakhstan's perception of the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route as a cornerstone of sustainable logistics across Eurasia.

Humanitarian Aid

Ukrainian Children Arrive in Uzbekistan for Rest and Recovery

Just ahead of Eid al-Adha, a group of Ukrainian children have arrived in Tashkent for a 12-day program of rest and psychological rehabilitation. The Ukrainian Embassy in Uzbekistan reported that the visit was fully organized and funded by the Uzbek government. The children, who come from war-affected regions including Kharkiv, Kherson, Mykolaiv, Zaporizhzhia, Sumy, Khmelnytskyi, Lviv, and Kyiv, received a warm welcome upon arrival at Tashkent International Airport. From there, they traveled to a mountain camp nestled in a valley near the Tien Shan range. According to the embassy, the initiative was launched at the request of the Ukrainian side and is intended to help the children recover emotionally from the ongoing trauma of air raid sirens and missile strikes. The camp offers a structured program of daily themed events, such as “National Values Day” and “Sports and Health Day,” along with creative competitions and excursions. Evenings are reserved for social gatherings. Ukrainian adults are present to supervise the children throughout their stay. Nearly all major ministries and government agencies in Uzbekistan are participating in the effort, demonstrating strong coordination and compassion. The Ukrainian Embassy emphasized that the initiative reflects Uzbekistan’s genuine interest in supporting Ukrainian children during this difficult period. The program aims not only to provide physical and emotional relief, but also to express solidarity and goodwill from the Uzbek people. Uzbekistan previously provided similar humanitarian assistance to Palestinian civilians, evacuating 100 injured women and children, along with their guardians, from Rafah for medical treatment and care. Uzbekistan’s response to Russia’s war in Ukraine has been cautious yet distinct, reflecting its careful balancing act in international diplomacy. Tashkent has refrained from openly condemning Moscow, a key economic and regional partner, but has also demonstrated a firm commitment to Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within the framework of its foreign policy principles. Uzbekistan has supported UN General Assembly resolutions calling for an end to the conflict, signaling alignment with global norms, while urging a peaceful resolution through dialogue. Officials have consistently avoided taking sides but have voiced concerns about the war’s human cost and economic repercussions. Beyond formal diplomatic statements, Uzbekistan’s humanitarian actions have highlighted its concern for those impacted by the war. The government’s decision to host Ukrainian children for rehabilitation reflects its broader efforts to provide tangible support to civilians in crisis zones.

4th India-Central Asia Dialogue

Opinion: Strengthening the Silk Bonds — India’s Renewed Push Towards Central Asia

The velvet-draped tables of New Delhi’s 4th India-Central Asia Dialogue convened under the stewardship of External Affairs Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar on June 6, 2025, radiated congeniality, with history and strategy converging. This high-level engagement, attended by foreign ministers from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, marked more than a diplomatic ritual — it signaled India's deepening resolve to recalibrate its strategic posture in a region too long shaped by other powers. Yet beneath pledges of shared civilizational futures and energy corridors, an uncomfortable truth lingered as India remains a guest, not a player, in Central Asia’s great power theatre. Further, India’s internal socio-political landscape presents notable challenges that inadvertently shape its foreign policy credibility, particularly in the eyes of Central Asian nations. Persistent communal tensions — most visibly manifested in the Hindu-Muslim divide, the controversial demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992, and the politically charged construction of the Ram Mandir — have deepened perceptions of religious polarization. Such domestic developments, while largely internal, resonate beyond India’s borders, especially in the Muslim-majority Central Asian republics, raising concerns about inclusivity and pluralism in India’s governance model. Simultaneously, India’s strained relations with key neighbors — Pakistan, and China, and increasingly volatile dynamics with Nepal, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka — have reinforced a regional image of discord and inconsistency. These internal and regional complexities contribute to a trust deficit, making Central Asian countries cautious in placing long-term strategic confidence in India. For New Delhi to emerge as a dependable partner in the region, addressing internal fissures and presenting a coherent, inclusive national vision is as vital as economic or diplomatic outreach. Central Asia sits at the center of ancient trade routes and modern geopolitical competition. For India, its importance is twofold: the region is a bridge to Eurasia and a repository of energy resources critical to India’s growing economy. But India’s historical connectivity to Central Asia — through the Silk Road, shared cultural legacies, and spiritual exchanges — has, for decades, been overshadowed by geographic and political barriers, notably the lack of direct overland access due to Pakistan. Recognizing these constraints, the dialogue showcased a strategic pivot. India reaffirmed its commitment to enhancing regional connectivity through the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) and the Chabahar Port in Iran. While geopolitical instability in Iran and Afghanistan poses challenges, India's emphasis on multimodal routes demonstrates pragmatic flexibility. In an era defined by supply chain resilience and multipolar geopolitics, connectivity is no longer just an infrastructure question — it is a currency of influence. The dialogue also addressed the evolving regional security architecture. India’s proposal for counter-terrorism cooperation, capacity building, and intelligence sharing was timely and necessary. However, the dialogue echoed with familiar refrains, viz. civilizational bonds, shared destiny, and multipolar cooperation. Yet beneath the diplomatic choreography lies a haunting question. Can India transcend its historical role as Central Asia’s cultural cousin to become its strategic confidant? History whispers caution. The Burden of History: From Silk Roads to Shadow Roads For centuries, the Silk Road...

Military Defense

Kazakhstan’s Defense Ministry Confirms Russian Origin of Crashed Drones

Kazakhstan’s First Deputy Minister of Defense, Sultan Kamaletdinov, has confirmed that the unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) that crashed in the West Kazakhstan region earlier this year were launched from a Russian test site. Since January, four unidentified drones have been found in the region. Speaking to journalists on the sidelines of a Senate session, Kamaletdinov shared the preliminary findings from an investigation conducted by the Ministry of Defense. “More than 90% of the unmanned aerial vehicles discovered in the West Kazakhstan region were located within the boundaries of the 926th Main Flight Test Center of the Russian Federation,” he stated. “The airspace above this site is utilized by the center for UAV testing.” When asked who had launched the drones, Kamaletdinov responded directly: “The Russian Federation, which is testing its UAVs.” A String of Drone Incidents The first reported drone was found on February 18 in the village of Ualy in the Bokeiordinsky district. A second was discovered near the village of Atameken in the Taskalinsky district on March 18. At the end of March, a third UAV was located near the border with Russia, followed shortly by the crash of a fourth drone in the Zhanibek district. Russian Testing Grounds in Kazakhstan Russia leases three military test sites in Kazakhstan, including those associated with the 929th State Flight Test Center. These facilities are located in the West Kazakhstan and Atyrau regions and are tied to Russia’s V.P. Chkalov State Flight Test Center (929 GLITS VVS), a key institution for military aviation and weapons testing. The main base of the Chkalov Center is in Akhtubinsk, Astrakhan region, but its network of test ranges extends across Russia and Kazakhstan, spanning distances from 22 to 800 kilometers from Akhtubinsk. While the use of Kazakh territory for foreign military testing has long been a sensitive topic, Kamaletdinov’s comments underscore the enduring presence of Russian military operations within Kazakhstan’s borders.

Trump Administration

Turkmenistan Among Nations Targeted in New U.S. Travel Restrictions and Bans

Citizens from Turkmenistan face restrictions on travel to the United States under an order signed by President Donald Trump that bans or curbs the entry of nationals from 19 countries. Trump said in a statement released by the White House on Wednesday that the order, which takes effect on June 9, aims to protect national security and prevent people from overstaying their visas in the United States. The measure resembles an effort in Trump’s first term as president to tighten control of the influx of foreign nationals, prompting court challenges and criticism that such sweeping policies are discriminatory. “Many of these countries have also taken advantage of the United States in their exploitation of our visa system and their historic failure to accept back their removable nationals,” said Trump, who has cracked down on immigration since his second term began in January. A full travel ban, subject to case-by-case waivers and other exceptions, will go into effect for nationals from Afghanistan, Myanmar, Chad, the Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Haiti, Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan and Yemen. Turkmenistan is among seven countries whose citizens face partial restrictions, such as not being able to move permanently to the U.S. or get tourist and student visas. The other countries are Burundi, Cuba, Laos, Sierra Leone, Togo, and Venezuela. “According to the Overstay Report, Turkmenistan had a B-1/B-2 visa overstay rate of 15.35 percent and an F, M, and J visa overstay rate of 21.74 percent,” the Trump administration’s order said. “The entry into the United States of nationals of Turkmenistan as immigrants, and as nonimmigrants on B-1, B-2, B-1/B-2, F, M, and J visas is hereby suspended.” B-1 (business) and B-2 (tourism) refer to non-immigrant visas for people who want to stay temporarily in the U.S. F, M, and J visas are for non-immigrant visas used by students and other visitors enrolled in exchange programs. Turkmenistan tightly controls its population and it is difficult to get independent information about the country. Despite Turkmenistan’s vast energy resources, some of its nationals attempt to seek opportunities abroad.

Afghanistan

Interview: Taliban-Ruled Afghanistan Looks to Kazakhstan

ASTANA - War-torn Afghanistan, now led by the Taliban, is in desperate need of funding. The radical group is seizing every opportunity to secure not only financial support but also major infrastructure projects that could help rebuild the country. In late May, a delegation of Taliban representatives, led by Haji Nooruddin Azizi, the Minister of Trade and Industry, visited Kazakhstan to attend the Astana International Forum (AIF). During the summit, they spoke with The Times of Central Asia, discussing their ambitions and plans. It was their first participation in the prominent forum, made possible by Kazakhstan’s 2024 decision to remove the Taliban from its list of terrorist organizations. Since then, Kazakhstani political and business leaders have traveled to Kabul on several occasions aiming to establish closer relations with the Islamic Emirate. [caption id="attachment_32607" align="aligncenter" width="1600"] Image: TCA, Nikola Mikovic[/caption] Most recently, during a meeting with Azizi, Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev emphasized the need to strengthen political ties with Afghanistan. The economy, however, seems to play an equally important role in this relationship, with Astana aiming to increase its bilateral trade volume with Afghanistan to $3 billion in the coming years. Kazakhstan is also eyeing investing $500 million in the construction of the 115-kilometer (71 miles) Turgundi–Herat railway line, a section of the rail corridor linking Turgundi in the north of Afghanistan and Spin Boldak on the country’s border with Pakistan. The route effectively connects Central and South Asia via Afghanistan. Neighboring Turkmenistan is also interested in participating in this project, as the railway aims to connect Central Asia to Pakistan’s Karachi and Gwadar ports, providing Turkmenistan and its neighbors access to vast South Asian markets. The Turgundi–Herat–Kandahar–Spin Boldak railway line is considered a key segment of the broader Trans-Afghan Railway project, which even Russia has expressed an interest in joining. “It is still too early to discuss who will build the railway, although it is clear that Afghan companies are unlikely to be able to undertake the project,” Mirwais Ghafouri, Senior Advisor of the Afghanistan Railway Authority, told The Times of Central Asia in an interview. In his view, given that Afghanistan is a mountainous country, the entire project will cost at least $2–3 billion. The problem for Kabul is that – due to various sanctions and the fact that most countries still do not officially recognize the Taliban-led government – it cannot count on significant support from international financial institutions such as the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank. “But we expect Kazakhstan to invest in this project, as well as in our economy in general. The shortest route connecting Central Asia and South Asia is through Afghanistan. Once the railway is complete, Kazakhstan and other Central Asian nations will be able to use it to export their agricultural products to huge markets such as India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh”, Ghafouri stressed, pointing out that Kabul and Astana are currently working on a project feasibility study. The Taliban appear to be aiming to revive nearly all previously announced projects...