• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00201 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10433 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00201 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10433 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00201 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10433 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00201 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10433 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00201 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10433 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00201 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10433 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00201 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10433 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00201 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10433 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 582

Kazakh Politician Proposes Softer Punishment for Citizens Who Join Foreign Military Conflicts

Zharkynbek Amantaiuly, a member of the Mazhilis, the lower house of Kazakhstan’s parliament, has submitted a request to Prosecutor General Berik Asylov and Interior Minister Yerzhan Sadenov proposing that penalties be reconsidered for Kazakh citizens who participate in armed conflicts abroad. According to the lawmaker, growing geopolitical tensions and the increasing number of armed conflicts worldwide are contributing to a rise in the number of Kazakh citizens involved in hostilities outside the country. He noted that groups recruiting foreign citizens often rely on deception and targeted recruitment campaigns to attract participants. “Unfortunately, the number of our compatriots who have fallen under such influence is growing,” Amantaiuly said. According to data cited by him, 23 criminal cases were opened in Kazakhstan in 2023 under Article 172 of the Criminal Code, which concerns participation in foreign armed conflicts. The number increased to 36 cases in 2024 and rose sharply to 141 in 2025. Of the cases registered in 2025, 26 citizens have been convicted. The offense carries a prison sentence of between five and nine years. Amantaiuly argued that many citizens end up in conflict zones due to social difficulties, misconceptions, or deception, often after being promised high-paying jobs. “Of course, no one goes to an armed conflict zone without a reason. Many of those who find themselves in such situations say they hoped to obtain well-paid employment. When they realize they have been deceived, they become involved in bloody battles in a foreign country and understand that there is almost no way back. Their parents, families, and loved ones suffer as a result,” he said. He also noted that in some countries, participation in hostilities as part of the official armed forces of a foreign state is not considered a criminal offense. According to Amantaiuly, strict criminal liability is typically applied to individuals who join terrorist organizations, commit war crimes, or act against the national interests of their own country. For this reason, the deputy proposed studying international legal practices and preparing amendments to Kazakhstan’s criminal legislation governing citizens’ participation in armed conflicts abroad. In his view, the law should introduce a mechanism for differentiated legal assessment. Such a framework could allow for suspended sentences, restrictions on freedom, or probationary supervision for individuals who were not members of terrorist organizations, did not commit war crimes, and voluntarily returned to Kazakhstan. The deputy also proposed developing a state program for the legal, psychological, and social rehabilitation of such citizens. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, several Kazakh citizens who fought in Ukraine as part of the Wagner private military company have received prison sentences of up to six years. At the same time, Kazakhstan’s National Security Committee is investigating stand-up comedian Nurlan Saburov. According to media reports, he allegedly transferred motorcycle equipment purchased with his own funds to the same Wagner unit.

Gender Pricing and Tax Policy in Kazakhstan: Does a “Pink Tax” Exist?

Women often pay more for everyday goods, from hygiene products to personal care services. In public discourse in Kazakhstan, this phenomenon is often referred to as the “pink tax.” But does such a tax exist, or are these differences the result of market pricing strategies? Is a “Pink Tax” Recognized Under Kazakhstan’s Tax Code? If understood literally as a separate levy established in the Tax Code, the so-called “pink tax” does not exist in Kazakhstan. The country’s tax system includes corporate and individual income taxes, value-added tax (VAT), excise duties, social tax, property taxes, and other mandatory payments. There is no gender-based category. In Kazakhstan, the term is generally used to describe a potential “gender markup,” where products marketed to women are priced higher than comparable versions aimed at men, even when their features are largely the same. These differences are most often observed in items such as razors, shower gels, and other personal care products, where variation may be limited to packaging or branding. However, Kazakhstan lacks large-scale, representative studies on the issue. Most claims are based on retail observations and isolated price comparisons rather than comprehensive market research. How Tax Policy Affects Essential Hygiene Products: VAT and the “Tampon Tax” Public debate increasingly uses the term “tampon tax” to describe situations where menstrual hygiene products are subject to the standard VAT rate rather than a reduced rate applied to essential goods. Starting January 1, 2026, Kazakhstan’s base VAT rate increased to 16%. Reduced VAT rates of 5% (from 2026) and 10% (from 2027), apply only to goods and services, including specific medicines and medical devices that meet established criteria. These benefits do not apply broadly to all health-related goods, only to items included in officially approved lists. If sanitary pads, tampons, and other menstrual hygiene products are not included in the approved lists, they are subject to the standard VAT rate, like most other consumer goods. The law does not treat “women’s” products as a separate taxable category. As a result, Kazakhstan does not levy a distinct “pink tax” but applies uniform VAT rules. The broader policy debate centers on whether menstrual products should be classified as essential goods for tax purposes. The social dimension is significant. According to the World Bank and UNFPA, menstrual poverty refers to limited access to hygiene products and related services such as water, sanitation, healthcare, and education. A survey conducted in Kazakhstan by Umai Cup and SOAS (2,116 participants) found that 25% of respondents had no access to hygiene products during their first menstruation, 66% used improvised materials, and 10% missed school due to an inability to purchase sanitary pads. When a recurring monthly product is taxed at the full VAT rate and rises in price along with inflation, the financial burden falls disproportionately on low-income women. For students, single mothers, and mothers of large families, this may translate into restricted access to basic hygiene. Why the “Pink Tax” Has a Greater Impact at Lower Income Levels Even without normative judgments, the economic...

Kazakhstan’s Reservoirs Prepared for Spring Flooding

Kazakhstan’s authorities have announced that the country’s water management infrastructure is prepared for the spring flood period. According to the Ministry of Water Resources and Irrigation, the total available storage capacity in the country’s large reservoirs exceeds the projected volume of snowmelt inflows, with the highest water levels currently recorded in the eastern regions. Flood preparedness has remained a priority for the government since 2024, when Kazakhstan experienced its most severe spring flooding in 80 years. The disaster affected dozens of settlements and forced the evacuation of more than 120,000 people, drawing sharp criticism of local authorities. In response, the central government intensified coordination efforts and preventive measures. As of February, the ministry reported that the total available storage capacity in large reservoirs exceeds 14.3 billion cubic meters. Projected spring inflows are estimated at between 9.1 billion and 13.9 billion cubic meters. The ministry also announced inspections of hydraulic infrastructure and ongoing repair work at 39 facilities. Major repairs have been completed at the Charske Reservoir in the Abai region, the Akzhar Reservoir in Shymkent, the Sholak Dam in the Aktobe region, and the reconstructed dam in the village of Stepnoye in the Kostanay region. In addition, riverbed preparation measures are underway. Under the 2025-2027 Roadmap for River Rehabilitation, nearly 167 kilometers of riverbeds in western, central, and northern regions have already been cleaned and deepened. In 2026, similar work is planned across six additional regions, covering approximately 193 kilometers. Kazakhstan has also strengthened coordination with neighboring countries. In 2025, a joint working group was established with Russia to address flooding and elevated water levels, including along the transboundary Ural River. The final forecast for water levels in the basin is expected in early March. According to Kazakh officials, the Russian side has stated that water discharges from the Iriklinskoye Reservoir during the flood period will not exceed 200 cubic meters per second. An emergency notification and monitoring system for transboundary water flows along the Irtysh River is also in operation with China, including regular exercises and communication checks. The Times of Central Asia previously reported that in 2025 Kazakhstan began releasing water from key reservoirs as early as January to increase available storage capacity ahead of the spring flood season.

Kazakhstan Moves to Require Content Creators and Online Course Authors to Confirm Qualifications

Kazakhstan is preparing new legislative measures that would tighten requirements for content creators and authors of online courses who publish educational content. Under the proposed rules, such materials would have to include confirmation of the author’s relevant education or professional qualifications. The initiative is outlined in an official response by Prime Minister Olzhas Bektenov to a parliamentary inquiry regarding the regulation of online educational content. According to Bektenov, a draft law on online platforms and mass media has already been developed, along with amendments to the Code of Administrative Offenses. The proposed legislation would require users of online platforms who distribute educational courses or training materials in a specific field to disclose information confirming their qualifications, including details of a diploma or certificate. The government also plans to introduce administrative liability for online platforms operating in Kazakhstan that fail to comply with authorized bodies’ orders to remove illegal content. Authorities note that existing legislation already provides for advertising and selling unregistered medicines and prescription drugs. Bektenov stated that state bodies continuously monitor social networks and cooperate with the administrations of major platforms, including Meta and TikTok, to remove prohibited content. According to him, up to 91% of identified violating materials are removed from TikTok. Oversight is also conducted through the Cyber Surveillance system, which tracks advertisements related to pyramid schemes, online casinos and drug trafficking. Over the past year, authorities identified and blocked more than 13,800 pieces of content promoting drugs, more than 34,700 posts advertising online casinos and over 13,500 materials involving citizens in pyramid schemes. Access to the relevant resources was restricted, and site owners were issued warnings. The Times of Central Asia previously reported that members of the Senate, the upper house of parliament, had proposed introducing licensing requirements for content creators in response to widespread violations of the ban on advertising online casinos on social networks and messaging platforms.

Cost of Holding Referendum on Kazakhstan’s New Constitution Estimated at $42 Million

The cost of holding a national referendum on the adoption of Kazakhstan’s new Constitution is preliminarily estimated at 20.8 billion tenge (KZT), or approximately $42 million at the current exchange rate. The figure was announced at a press conference by Mikhail Bortnik, a member of Kazakhstan’s Central Election Commission. According to Bortnik, the estimate is currently under review by the Ministry of Finance, and the final amount will be approved at a later stage. These expenses are not included in the approved republican budget for 2026; funding is expected to be allocated from the government reserve. Approximately 75% of the total sum is projected to be spent on remuneration for members of precinct election commissions involved in organizing and conducting the vote. Another CEC representative, Azamat Aimanakumov, stated that 12,416,759 citizens will be eligible to participate in the referendum. A total of 10,413 polling stations will be opened. Of these, 9,779 will be located at voters’ places of registration, while 634 will operate at temporary places of residence, including 82 polling stations abroad in 64 countries. Polling station commissions are scheduled to receive voter lists on February 22. Citizens will be notified of the time and place of voting between February 27 and March 4. Ballots are to be delivered to polling stations between March 12 and 14. March 14 has been designated a day of silence, during which campaigning is prohibited. Voting is scheduled for March 15, 2026. CEC Deputy Chairman Mukhtar Erman said that invitations to observe the referendum have been sent to relevant organizations in more than 30 countries, including European and American states, leading Asian countries, and members of the Commonwealth of Independent States. Separate invitations to international organizations will be issued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Accreditation of foreign observers will close on March 9. The draft of the new Constitution has been published on the website of the Constitutional Court of Kazakhstan. Under Article 94 of the draft, if approved in the referendum, the new Basic Law will enter into force on July 1, 2026, and the current Constitution will cease to have effect on the same date. The Times of Central Asia previously reported that work on the draft Constitution was being conducted on an accelerated timetable, after President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev announced a package of political reforms, including a proposal to transition to a unicameral parliament.

Opinion: Kazakhstan’s Constitutional Referendum – Strategic Reset or Institutional Consolidation?

Kazakhstan will hold a nationwide referendum on March 15 to adopt an entirely new constitution – an initiative President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev describes as a decisive break from the country’s super-presidential legacy. The draft, published on February 12 after deliberations by a Constitutional Commission, proposes far-reaching institutional reforms. Among the most notable changes are the replacement of the bicameral parliament with a unicameral body known as the Kurultai; the reinstatement of a vice presidency; and the constitutionalization of commitments to digital transformation, economic modernization, and strengthened sovereignty. The government presents the reform as a necessary modernization of the state in response to global turbulence. Yet the scope and timing of the proposal indicate that the referendum is as much about strategic recalibration as it is about institutional redesign. The Accelerated Timeline The speed of the process has drawn considerable attention. In September 2025, Tokayev advised against rushing constitutional reform and suggested that 2027 would allow sufficient time for public consultation. However, by February 2026, the referendum had been scheduled for mid-March. This abrupt shift suggests a deliberate political calculation rather than simple administrative urgency. One factor under discussion is the legal effect of adopting a wholly new constitution. While reforms in 2022 limited presidents to a single seven-year term, the introduction of a new constitutional order could create ambiguity regarding the continuity of those limits. Even if not explicitly intended as a reset mechanism, such a transformation inevitably introduces flexibility into questions of tenure and succession. Geopolitical pressures also help explain the acceleration. Tokayev has pointed to profound changes in global trade, security alignments, and technological competition. In a world increasingly shaped by sanctions regimes and geoeconomic fragmentation, Kazakhstan seeks to project institutional coherence and responsiveness. Constitutional reform, in this sense, becomes a signal of adaptive capacity. At the same time, the draft completes the political transition that began after the unrest of January 2022. Although earlier amendments removed former President Nursultan Nazarbayev’s constitutional privileges, the 1995 framework remained largely intact. The new proposal replaces that structure altogether, extinguishing residual legal ties to the Nazarbayev era and consolidating a distinct political phase under Tokayev’s leadership. Sovereignty as Constitutional Doctrine A defining feature of the draft is the elevation of sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity, and the unitary nature of the state to foundational, effectively immutable principles. This language carries clear geopolitical resonance, particularly in the aftermath of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. While Kazakhstan continues to pursue a multi-vector foreign policy, the constitutional entrenchment of territorial integrity reinforces the state’s insistence on inviolable borders. The draft also expands restrictions on foreign financing of political parties and introduces stricter transparency rules for foreign-funded non-governmental organizations. These provisions reflect a doctrine of symmetrical distance: limiting political influence from any external actor, whether Russia, Western governments, or other international stakeholders. The emphasis is not ideological alignment but institutional insulation. Language and Identity: Managed Ambiguity The most domestically sensitive amendment concerns the status of Russian. The draft alters the phrasing from Russian being used “on an equal...