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Migrants

U.S. Deports Over 100 Central Asian Migrants on Uzbek Charter Flight

More than 100 people from Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan who were illegally in the United States have been deported on a charter flight organized by the Uzbek government, the U.S. Embassy in Tashkent said on Thursday. The operation, which happened on Wednesday, was “the first in which a U.S. partner proactively provided a dedicated flight to repatriate its citizens” and underscores collaboration on issues such as counterterrorism and law enforcement, according to the embassy. “By organizing and funding the removal of its citizens present illegally in the United States and allowing the removal of nationals from other countries on Uzbek flights, Uzbekistan demonstrated its role as a trusted and proactive partner in the realm of international security,” it said. The embassy statement did not provide details on the people who were deported. U.S. President Donald Trump had campaigned on the promise of the mass deportation of migrants that he said were in the country without permission, and Immigration and Customs Enforcement has carried out deportations in line with that pledge since he took office for a second term in January. The speed and severity of the crackdown have alarmed advocates who have argued in court that the U.S. administration is denying due process to some migrants. U.S. relations with some of its traditional allies, including Canada and European countries, have frayed since Trump took office. But Uzbekistan and several other Central Asian countries appear to have maintained a relatively harmonious dialogue with the Trump administration while also collaborating with regional powers Russia and China. On April 9, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Uzbek Foreign Minister Bakhtiyor Saidov met in Washington to discuss investment, critical minerals and security matters. Rubio “thanked Uzbekistan for their efforts to facilitate the return of their deportees from the United States,” the U.S. State Department said. U.S. plans for mass deportations have been a source of concern for Central Asian communities in the United States. This month, Kazakhstan urged any of its citizens who are subject to a U.S. deportation order but remain in the United States to voluntarily return home by using a U.S. Department of Homeland Security mobile app. The Kazakh Embassy in Washington urged those nationals to do so in order “to prevent possible negative consequences” such as fines, a ban on re-entry to the United States and other penalties. In January, Kyrgyzstan warned its citizens to follow U.S. immigration law and always carry relevant documents with them.

May Day

May Day in Central Asia: From Soviet Parades to a Celebration of Unity

In Soviet times, May 1 and 2 were public holidays. May 1 was International Workers' Day, marked by large-scale parades celebrating the proletariat, while May 2 served as a day to recuperate before returning to work. Today, three of the five Central Asian republics have preserved the tradition of celebrating May Day, effectively marking the arrival of spring twice, once through Central Asian customs – Nauryz - and again through European ones. Workers of the world, unite! Coined by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in The Communist Manifesto, this famous communist slogan once appeared on the coats of arms of the Soviet Union and its republics. International Workers' Day became the living embodiment of this phrase. Celebrated on 1 May, May Day began as a European festival of spring but gained global significance through the labor movement. The Second International, formed at the 1889 International Workers Congress in Paris, called for an annual demonstration advocating an eight-hour workday. The date honors the U.S. general strike that started on 1 May 1886 and led to the tragic Haymarket massacre on 4 May. The date became a powerful symbol of working-class solidarity and a yearly tradition across large swathes of the globe. [caption id="attachment_31352" align="aligncenter" width="1174"] Soviet-era poster for International Workers' Day[/caption] Before the Bolsheviks came to power, political agitators in the Russian Empire used May 1 to call for change with slogans such as “Down with the Tsar” and “Give us freedom.” After the October Revolution, May 1 and 2 became official state holidays, with May Day becoming synonymous with International Workers' Day and mandatory parades. Unlike the more formal and solemn celebrations honoring the October Revolution, however, May Day events were often met with genuine enthusiasm. After the collapse The fall of the USSR brought about a widespread reevaluation of Soviet holidays. The celebration of the October Revolution on November 7 was widely discarded, but many post-Soviet republics retained May 1 as a public holiday, albeit with new interpretations and meanings. In Central Asia, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan do not officially celebrate May 1. Turkmenistan has developed a distinct holiday calendar, while in Uzbekistan, May 1 is observed symbolically as the Day of Fountains. [caption id="attachment_31353" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Day of Fountains, Tashkent; image: TCA, Stephen M. Bland[/caption] Though celebrations are more modest and it is no longer officially a day off, Tajikistan has retained the holiday’s Soviet-era name, International Workers’ Day. Some traditions, such as honoring outstanding workers, persist. Kyrgyzstan calls the holiday Labor Day, in line with its American equivalent. It is marked by festive events and activities organized by trade unions. Kazakhstan has taken a different approach, reimagining May Day as the Day of Unity of the People of Kazakhstan. The name reflects the country’s emphasis on stability and interethnic harmony, a model promoted by the Assembly of the People of Kazakhstan, an institution established on March 1, 1995, at the initiative of the country’s first president, Nursultan Nazarbayev. Since 2016, March 1 has also been celebrated as Thanksgiving...

Water Access

Opinion – Central Asia’s Looming Water Crisis: A Ticking Time Bomb

When people think of Central Asia, they often picture vast deserts, ancient Silk Road cities, and oil pipelines stretching to distant markets. Yet the region’s most urgent and combustible resource is not buried underground — it flows above it. Water, or more precisely the lack of it, is rapidly becoming the defining fault line of Central Asia’s future. For decades, the five Central Asian republics have tiptoed around a growing water crisis. The two major rivers that sustain life in this arid region, the Amu Darya and the Syr Darya, are now so contested and depleted that what was once a technical issue has metastasized into a geopolitical threat. The region's major rivers, the Amu Darya and the Syr Darya are under immense pressure, threatening agriculture, livelihoods, and regional stability. At the heart of the crisis is a tragic irony. The upstream countries, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, are rich in water but poor in energy and cash. They need to release water in winter to generate hydropower. Downstream nations, particularly Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, want water stored until the summer to irrigate vast cotton and wheat fields. The result? Mutual distrust, occasional diplomatic spats, and an accelerating race to dam, divert, and hoard water in a region already gasping under the weight of climate change. A Region Parched Central Asia annually utilizes over 60 billion cubic meters of water for irrigation from the Amu Darya and Syr Darya basins. However, recent years have seen a decline in river flows, with the actual flow of the Syr Darya being 20–23% less than the norm. Further, the ghost of the Aral Sea — a once-thriving inland lake that has now shrunk by over 90% in its volume and 74 % in surface area — serves as a haunting reminder of the cost of mismanagement. The Soviet legacy of excessive irrigation has morphed into a post-Soviet scramble for control, where water is not just a tool of survival but a lever of power. This desiccation has transformed the region, leading to the emergence of the Aralkum Desert and causing severe ecological and health issues. Climate Change Intensifies the Crisis Climate change is exacerbating water scarcity in Central Asia. A recent study revealed that an extreme heatwave in March 2025, with temperatures soaring 5 to 10°C above pre-industrial levels, was significantly amplified by global warming. Such temperature surges accelerate glacier melt and increase evaporation rates, further reducing water availability. By some estimates, Central Asia could lose over 30% of its freshwater resources by 2050. Yet, rather than galvanize cooperation, this existential threat has sparked more competition. International efforts have largely fallen flat. The International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea (IFAS), the region’s main water cooperation body, is riddled with inefficiencies and lacks enforcement power. External actors like China and Russia have their own interests, often deepening the regional divide rather than healing it. Inefficient Water Management Inefficient agricultural practices remain one of the most profound and persistent contributors to water mismanagement across Central Asia. In...

International Diplomacy

Breaking Old Ties: Central Asia’s Delicate Dance Between Russia and the West

Central Asian countries are increasingly asserting their independence in foreign policy, distancing themselves from traditional centers of global influence. Recent developments highlight a nuanced balancing act as states in the region navigate growing tensions between Russia and the West. Kyrgyzstan Pushes Back In Kyrgyzstan, the recent arrest of Natalya Sekerina, an employee of the Russian House in Osh, marked a notable assertion of sovereignty. Sekerina was detained under Part 1 of Article 416 of the Criminal Code of the Kyrgyz Republic, which pertains to the recruitment, financing, and training of mercenaries for armed conflict or attempts to overthrow state authority. Earlier, Sergei Lapushkin, an employee of Osh city hall, and two others were also detained in connection with the case. All suspects were later placed under house arrest. Nevertheless, the arrests are seen by observers as a clear signal that Kyrgyzstan is not simply aligning with Russian policy, despite its economic dependence on Moscow, particularly due to labor migration. The move was reportedly a response to the April 17 detention of over 50 Kyrgyz nationals in a Moscow bathhouse, where Russian security forces allegedly used excessive force. The Kyrgyz Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a formal note of protest. Russia later stated that the detainees were in the country illegally and some were suspected of links to radical groups. At the same time, Kyrgyzstan is scrutinizing Western influence as well. In February, U.S. President Donald Trump announced funding cuts and a wind-down of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID). The announcement triggered debate in Kyrgyzstan, where some voices argued that while USAID had supported civil society, it also fostered instability and economic dependency. Critics claim the agency promoted Western values and helped establish a network of NGOs that played outsized roles in the country’s politics. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan Seek Equilibrium In Kazakhstan, USAID also came under fire. Parliamentary Deputy Magherram Magherramov criticized the agency for promoting what he described as values alien to Kazakh society, referencing controversial events such as women’s rights marches and LGBTQ+ parades in Almaty. He called for a formal review of foreign-funded NGOs. Meanwhile, Uzbekistan witnessed a diplomatic rift during an April visit by Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov to the “Grieving Mother” memorial in Samarkand. Lavrov commented on the absence of a Russian-language inscription, provoking widespread backlash on Uzbek social media. Sherzodkhon Kudratkhodzha, rector of the University of Journalism and Mass Communications, responded sharply: “We are not their colony.” He also cited ongoing discrimination against Uzbek migrants in Russia, which, he argued, has been met with silence from Russian officials. A More Independent Foreign Policy Central Asian nations are increasingly holding intra-regional and international meetings, often excluding Russia. On April 25, intelligence chiefs from the region gathered in Tashkent to coordinate on regional security threats. The following day, a meeting of foreign ministers from Central Asia and China took place in Almaty. It was attended by Kazakh Foreign Minister Murat Nurtleu, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, and counterparts from Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and a...

Ecology

Ecologists Warn Central Asian Dams May Threaten UNESCO Heritage Site

A coalition of international environmentalists is sounding the alarm over the impact of large-scale dam construction in Central Asia, warning that it could cause irreversible harm to the Western Tien Shan, a UNESCO World Heritage Site jointly shared by Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan. Dam Projects Multiply Across Region According to a recent report by the coalition Rivers Without Boundaries, dozens of new hydropower projects are either in development or under construction across the region. The group says this wave of dam-building poses a significant threat to the unique ecosystems and biodiversity of the Western Tien Shan, which was inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List in 2016 due to its exceptional natural value. The report identifies more than five dams already constructed in recent years, with an additional 15 to 40 projects currently in the pipeline. These developments are affecting key river systems, including the Chatkal, Ugam, Pskem, and Aksu, which play a vital role in sustaining the region’s delicate ecological balance. Protected Areas Under Pressure Some of the most contentious projects are unfolding inside or near designated conservation zones. In Kyrgyzstan, a dam is planned within the Besh-Aral Nature Reserve, while gold mining activities have already degraded parts of the Chatkal River valley. In Kazakhstan, officials are considering a series of dams in Sayram-Ugam National Park. Uzbekistan is also pressing ahead with new hydropower schemes, including one on the Pskem River, drawing criticism from environmental advocates. “Short-term economic goals are being prioritized over the long-term need to protect this globally important natural area,” said Eugene Simonov, international coordinator of Rivers Without Boundaries. He urged UNESCO and the broader international community to intervene before further damage is done. Threats to Rare Species and Ecosystems Environmentalists argue that dam construction is fragmenting river systems and isolating animal habitats, particularly those of rare and endemic species. The snow leopard and several native fish species are among the wildlife at risk. Floodplain forests and wild fruit tree habitats, critical components of the area’s biodiversity, are also under threat. Alexander Kolotov, regional director of Rivers Without Boundaries, highlighted the dangers of building dams within protected national parks. “We are not properly measuring the impact on fish and river ecosystems,” he said. “If this continues, we could lose many species forever.” Legal and Diplomatic Concerns The group further contends that several dam projects may be violating international agreements, including the World Heritage Convention and the Espoo and Aarhus Conventions. These treaties require environmental impact assessments, public consultation, and cross-border cooperation, all of which may be lacking or inadequately implemented. Rivers Without Boundaries has formally petitioned UNESCO to add the Western Tien Shan to its List of World Heritage in Danger. The proposal is expected to be reviewed at the UNESCO World Heritage Committee session scheduled for July 2025. Previously, Evgeny Vinokurov, Vice-Chairman and Chief Economist of the Eurasian Development Bank, issued a stark warning about Central Asia’s looming water and energy crisis, noting that regional development must be carefully balanced with environmental protection.

Nationalism

Leonid Slutsky: Scandals, Nationalism, and the Migrant Blame Game

The leader of Russia’s Liberal Democratic Party (LDPR), Leonid Slutsky has long been a figure surrounded by controversy. A hardline nationalist, Slutsky’s career has been marked by allegations of corruption and harassment. Recently, his intensified rhetoric against labor migrants – including proposed restrictions on labor migrants bringing their families into the country, a requirement for foreign workers to learn Russian, and attacks on the former head of the Uzbek National and Cultural Autonomy Council in Moscow - have further spotlighted his controversial political career. “Our people... should not suffer from boors and criminals who consider themselves masters here, gather in packs and attack people,” Slutsky stated regarding migrant workers. “If you want to make money in Russia, learn Russian, and respect our laws and traditions. In any other case, go home. We will not experiment on ourselves or our children. Our great country must be respected.” This shift to the far-right aligns with a broader nationalist trend in Russia and raises questions about Slutsky’s intentions and the potential impact on the country and those working there. Slutsky’s Scandal-Ridden Career Slutsky's political reputation has been marred by allegations of sexual harassment that surfaced in 2018, with multiple female journalists accusing him of inappropriate conduct, including a BBC correspondent whom he reportedly touched inappropriately and whom he was recorded calling a “bunny”. Despite public disquiet, a State Duma ethics panel dismissed the complaints, leading to a media boycott but no political repercussions. This episode, as well as reports of hidden assets and extravagant wealth, including luxury properties and cars, point to a broader culture of impunity within the Russian political elite. Investigations have revealed that Slutsky's family enjoys a lavish lifestyle, including stays at a luxury Turkish villa, private jet travel, and an elite education for his children in Switzerland, despite his declared income in 2020 of $77,000. Additionally, reports link him to high-end vehicles such as Bentleys and a Mercedes-Maybach, often financed through questionable means. To paraphrase a piece by David Szakonyi in the American Political Science Review, in Russia, corrupt politicians work less but support the regime more. A member of the State Duma since 1999, Slutsky succeeded Vladimir Zhirinovsky as head of the LDPR in 2022. Under his leadership, the party has increasingly leaned on ultranationalist rhetoric and populist measures that appeal to disillusioned voters during times of economic strain. His recent attacks on labor migrants echo this strategy. Weaponizing Anti-Migrant Sentiment Slutsky’s outspoken criticism of labor migrants fits into a growing narrative in Russia that blames foreign workers for economic and social problems. Migrants, particularly those from Central Asia and the Caucasus, have been routinely scapegoated in nationalist circles, accused of taking jobs, disrupting social harmony, and contributing to crime. While there is little evidence to support many of these claims, Slutsky is capitalizing on prevailing anxieties as a means to rally support for his party. By portraying himself and the LDPR as defenders of a nostalgia-fueled Russian identity, he hopes to appeal to conservative voters who view...