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Afghanistan

Tajikistan: Three Chinese Workers Killed in Drone Attack from Afghanistan

Three Chinese workers in Tajikistan were killed in a drone attack that was carried out from across the border in Afghanistan, Tajikistan's government said on Thursday. The attack targeted a camp housing company employees in Tajikistan’s southwestern Khatlon region on Wednesday night, according to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. “This attack was carried out using an unmanned aerial vehicle” carrying explosives, the ministry said. “Despite the constant efforts by Tajikistan to maintain security and create an atmosphere of peace and stability in the border areas between Tajikistan and Afghanistan, the disruptive actions by criminal groups located in the territory of Afghanistan still continue,” it said. The ministry condemned “these acts of terrorist groups” and urged Afghan authorities to stabilize and secure their side of the border. Chinese workers are involved in mining and construction projects in Tajikistan. Trouble along the border with Afghanistan has flared from time to time. Tajikistan said that it used a drone to kill two suspected drug smugglers from Afghanistan in the area a week ago. In August, Tajik guards and fighters from Afghanistan’s ruling Taliban movement exchanged fire. The drone attack that killed the Chinese workers came ahead of a meeting on Thursday of the Collective Security Treaty Organization, a regional bloc. Leaders from the member countries of Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan gathered for the summit in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan. Tajikistan has periodically asked the group for more help in securing its long frontier with Afghanistan.

CSTO

CSTO Faces Uncertain Future as Putin Champions Russian Arms

The session of the CSTO Collective Security Council on November 27 in Bishkek underscored a key reality: the bloc, once envisioned as the “Eurasian response to NATO,” now consists of just five active members. Armenia pointedly boycotted the summit, a gesture that spoke volumes about the alliance’s internal fractures. While the presidents of Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Tajikistan discussed “multipolarity” and “security,” Kyrgyz authorities erected a massive LED screen near the presidential residence, conveniently blocking the Ukrainian flag atop the Ukrainian embassy. Officials claimed the move was a “protocol requirement.” Moscow used the summit as a platform to outline its long-term strategic goals for the region, seizing the moment amid Armenia’s absence, growing debate over the CSTO’s purpose, and rising competition from other international security alliances in Eurasia. Yerevan’s decision to skip the gathering is a warning sign for fellow CSTO members. Armenia, having faced a real security crisis, evidently no longer views the alliance as a reliable guarantor. This casts doubt on the CSTO’s ability to adapt to a rapidly evolving regional security landscape, where flexibility, responsiveness, and tangible conflict support are increasingly in demand. In his report, CSTO Secretary General Imangali Tasmagambetov emphasized the bloc’s institutional development over the past three years, expanding collective forces, developing cyber capabilities, and establishing new international roadmaps. He also announced the creation of an Information and Analytical Department, signaling an effort to emulate more sophisticated military-political structures. Yet much of his address echoed the standard talking points delivered at previous summits. Tasmagambetov did address Armenia's absence, stating, “The CSTO respects Yerevan’s sovereign right.” Rather than defusing the issue, this acknowledgment only served to highlight the political rupture. Despite the tensions, CSTO leaders signed a broad set of documents, including a collective security strategy, an anti-drug initiative, and new military cooperation plans, reportedly one of the most comprehensive packages in recent years. Nonetheless, the summit’s spotlight belonged to Vladimir Putin and Alexander Lukashenko. The other leaders appeared relegated to the sidelines, affirming declarations to preserve a fragile collective consensus. Putin’s visit to Bishkek spanned two days, during which his pronouncements effectively became the summit’s agenda. He reiterated that the CSTO is a “guarantor of stability” and proposed equipping the bloc’s collective forces with Russian weapons “proven in combat conditions”, a clear reference to the war in Ukraine, though left deliberately vague. With Russia set to assume the CSTO chairmanship in 2026, the Kremlin appears to be steering the alliance toward deeper military-technical integration. Promoting its weapons to member states not only boosts Russia’s arms industry but also increases CSTO members’ reliance on Russian technologies and command systems. Some analysts suggest Moscow’s chairmanship priorities, from cybersecurity to aerospace defense, reflect an effort to position the CSTO as a counterweight to rival military-political blocs. President Lukashenko of Belarus added a European security dimension to the talks, citing NATO’s growing defense budgets and the military buildup in Poland, Germany, and the Baltic states as justification for reinforcing the CSTO. For Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, the...

CSTO

CSTO Signs New Security Roadmap in Bishkek Amid Armenia Boycott and Putin Ukraine Remarks

The Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) reaffirmed its commitment to regional security and political coordination during its annual summit in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, on November 27. Leaders from five of the bloc’s six members - Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan - attended the event and signed off on a series of military, security, and strategic cooperation agreements. Armenia, the sixth CSTO member, boycotted the summit for the second year running, continuing its protest against the alliance’s refusal to intervene during Armenia’s conflict with Azerbaijan, and marking another low in Armenia’s engagement with the CSTO after months of public grievances against the bloc. Despite Yerevan’s absence, the other members adopted a wide-ranging joint declaration reaffirming the alliance’s collective defense commitments and outlining new initiatives to modernize its security framework. Notably, Armenia did not oppose the adoption of the summit documents in its absence. The CSTO, founded in 2002 and led by Russia, has a charter that guarantees mutual defense among members, though the bloc has often struggled to act decisively during regional crises. Still, it remains the only formal security alliance connecting Russia with post-Soviet Central Asian republics. Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov hosted the summit, marking the end of his country’s chairmanship. Japarov handed over the role to Russian President Vladimir Putin, who announced that Russia will lead the CSTO in 2026 under the motto “Collective Security in a Multipolar World: Common Goal—Shared Responsibility.” The bloc also appointed Kyrgyzstan’s Taalatbek Masadykov as the next Secretary General. The former deputy head of Kyrgyzstan’s Security Council will begin his three-year term on January 1, 2026. In remarks during the summit, Putin also addressed global concerns about the war in Ukraine, stating that a 28-point peace plan proposed by former U.S. President Donald Trump could serve as a “basis for future agreements.” He added that Russia has no intention of attacking Europe, seeking to dispel fears of escalation while reaffirming Moscow’s security agenda. The summit ended with the adoption of a large number of documents. Among them were a strategy to combat drug trafficking and plans to improve border security, peacekeeping readiness, and anti-terrorism efforts. Russia used the summit to offer CSTO members a rearmament initiative. Putin proposed supplying allies with modern Russian-made weapons that had “proven their effectiveness” in recent conflicts. The offer included expanded cooperation in joint production and training. Military exercises will continue under the newly adopted five-year cooperation plan. In 2025, the CSTO held drills in Kyrgyzstan, Belarus, and Tajikistan under the banner “Indestructible Brotherhood.” The plan outlines regular future training, integration of air defense units, and enhancements to peacekeeping logistics. The alliance also adopted an Anti-Drug Strategy for 2026–2030 and signed a joint resolution to intensify Operation “Kanal,” which targets drug routes through Central Asia. The CSTO committed to upgrading its counterterrorism strategy and enhancing cyber defense capabilities, with Russia proposing broader coordination on information security and biosecurity. Tajik President Emomali Rahmon, meanwhile, used the summit to urge partners to accelerate border security aid along Tajikistan’s porous southern frontier...

Travel

Moldova To End Visa-Free Travel for Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan

Moldova has formally withdrawn from the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) visa-free travel agreement, a move that will introduce visa requirements for citizens of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. The Moldovan parliament approved the government’s proposal to terminate the 1992 Bishkek Agreement, according to inbusiness.kz. The CIS, which originally included 11 post-Soviet states upon its creation in 1991, now counts only seven full members. Although Moldova ended its membership in the CIS earlier, it had continued to uphold visa-free travel arrangements with several former Soviet republics, including countries in Central Asia. The new legislation does not affect Kazakhstan or Uzbekistan. Moldovan officials told local media that Chişinău intends to preserve visa-free travel with these two countries through separate bilateral agreements. “For citizens of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, the procedure for travel remains unchanged,” Azattyq.org reported, citing Moldovan government sources. In 2024, Moldova also announced plans to open its first embassy in Kazakhstan’s capital, Astana. The new visa requirements apply solely to citizens of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, who will now need to obtain visas for work, study, or personal travel to Moldova. Authorities in Chişinău explained that the decision is part of Moldova’s broader effort to align its legal framework with European Union standards. EU regulations require visas for all CIS nationals, and Moldova is gradually adjusting its migration and visa policies in preparation for EU accession. The move comes in the wake of Moldova’s October 2024 referendum, in which voters supported the country’s path toward EU membership. Since then, the government has withdrawn from numerous CIS treaties, exited the CIS Interparliamentary Assembly, ceased payments to the Mir television network, and closed its local bureau. Relations between Moldova and Kyrgyzstan have been further strained by unresolved issues, including Kyrgyzstan’s calls for the repayment of a Soviet-era debt and Moldova’s ban on Kyrgyz airlines due to their inclusion on the EU’s aviation safety blacklist. Kyrgyz civil activist Almaz Tazhybay told Vesti.kg that Kyrgyz carriers will only regain access to Moldovan airspace after meeting EU safety requirements. Moldovan authorities have emphasized that the policy is not targeted at any specific country. Officials in Chişinău describe the changes as part of a broader legal realignment as Moldova pursues its goal of joining the European Union by 2030.

Wildlife Conservation

Tajikistan Seeks Stronger Protections for Striped Hyena at UN Wildlife Meeting

The striped hyena, listed as “near threatened” by international conservationists, has a vast range that includes Africa, the Middle East, and Central Asia, but is difficult to monitor because of its nocturnal, solitary habits in often rugged terrain. Now Tajikistan is proposing tighter international protections for the species at the highest-level meeting of the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora, or CITES. The United Nations gathering in Samarkand, Uzbekistan – the first in Central Asia - regulates trade in tens of thousands of species of animals and plants. It began on Monday and runs until the end of next week. The sharp decline in global shark and ray populations is an urgent concern, and delegates will consider new restrictions on the fin and shark meat trade that conservationists hope will fend off the threat of extinction for some species. Tajikistan’s proposal on behalf of the striped hyena aims for a similar outcome, noting a “marked decline in the population size in the wild” despite the difficulty in obtaining data. Some estimates put the number at significantly below 10,000, and the global IUCN Red List of Threatened Species labels the species as “near threatened,” with “vulnerable” being the next category on a scale leading to extinction. The striped hyena’s range includes Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, according to the list. Israel has a relatively robust population and supports Tajikistan’s proposal. Habitat degradation, human-wildlife conflict, and the illegal trade in the striped hyena, which is allegedly trafficked into the exotic pet industry or whose body parts are used in traditional medicine, are some of the reasons for the decline of the species. The striped hyena is currently listed in Appendix III of CITES regulations, under a 2014 request by Pakistan, where there were reports of illegal trade for circuses, captures for dog-fighting training, and myths and perceptions that the hyena was digging up graves and attacking people. Appendix III provides for some protections in the international trade in listed species. Tajikistan wants CITES to move the striped hyena into the far more restrictive Appendix I. “Appendix I includes all species threatened with extinction which are or may be affected by trade,” CITES says. “Trade in specimens of these species must be subject to particularly strict regulation in order not to endanger further their survival and must only be authorized in exceptional circumstances.” To upgrade protections for the species, Tajikistan will need to secure a two-thirds majority vote at the CITES conference. The striped hyena was thought to be extinct in Tajikistan for many years, though a sighting in 2017 restored hope. Tajikistan, which endured a civil war in the 1990s, warned in its proposal that conflict elsewhere was a threat to the species it hopes to save. “With the recent political instability in Afghanistan and generally across the larger region where several conflicts are ongoing, it is anticipated a significant increase in illegal wildlife trade, further endangering the striped hyena population across its entire global home range,” the proposal said.

CSTO

CSTO Summit in Bishkek: Armenia’s Boycott, Russia’s Agenda, and a New Secretary General

On November 27, Kyrgyzstan will host the annual summit of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) in Bishkek, bringing together foreign ministers, defense ministers, and security council secretaries from member states. While often portrayed in Russian media as an Eurasian analogue to NATO, the CSTO remains an organization heavily dependent on Russian military power. Should Moscow withdraw or reduce its support, the Organization’s relevance would likely collapse. A stark illustration of this fragility is Armenia, whose Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan will boycott the summit entirely. Russian Presidential Aide Yuri Ushakov confirmed that Armenia will not attend the session of the Collective Security Council, the CSTO’s highest governing body, though it does not object to the adoption of bloc-wide documents. According to the CSTO press service, the Council is expected to adopt a declaration outlining member states’ joint positions on current security challenges. Also on the agenda is the formal appointment of the next Secretary General for the 2026-2029 term, and the unveiling of Russia’s priorities for its upcoming presidency in 2026. President Vladimir Putin’s speech on these priorities is expected to dominate the summit. Armenia’s withdrawal highlights the CSTO’s waning cohesion, maintained largely by members' reliance on Russian security assistance, a dynamic in place since the Treaty’s inception in Tashkent on May 15, 1992. The original signatories included Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan, with Azerbaijan, Belarus, and Georgia joining in 1993. The treaty entered into force in 1994. Its central provision, Article 4, mandates collective defense: an attack on one member is considered an attack on all, obligating military and other forms of assistance in line with Article 51 of the UN Charter. In 1999, Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and Tajikistan signed a protocol extending the treaty, establishing an automatic renewal every five years. The formal CSTO was created in 2002; its charter was registered with the UN the following year, and it has held observer status at the UN General Assembly since 2004. For Armenia, the CSTO’s relevance has waned dramatically since the bloc declined to intervene during the final phase of the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis. Yerevan’s disenchantment, however, predates 2023 and stretches back to the 2021–2022 border clashes, when it also felt the organization had failed to provide meaningful support. Kazakhstan, by contrast, remains a key beneficiary: the rapid CSTO deployment in January 2022 played a central role in stabilizing the country during a period of acute domestic unrest. As the current Secretary General, Imangali Tasmagambetov - an influential figure from the “Old Kazakhstan” elite - completes his term, the position is scheduled to rotate to Taalatbek Masadykov of Kyrgyzstan. Ushakov confirmed that Tasmagambetov will deliver a final report on the Organization’s activities and security concerns before officially stepping down on January 1. Masadykov, currently Deputy Secretary General, is expected to assume the role seamlessly. While Masadykov brings diplomatic gravitas, the question remains whether he can restrain Moscow and Minsk from pushing CSTO allies toward confrontation with NATO. Tasmagambetov leaves behind a significant legacy and an...