Turkmenistan Features - The Times Of Central Asia

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 70

Satellite Data Reveals High Methane Emissions in Turkmenistan’s Oil and Gas Fields

The Environmental Defense Fund (EDF) has released the first images from MethaneSAT, a cutting-edge satellite designed to monitor methane emissions globally. The data reveals significant leaks from key fossil fuel production regions, including the United States, Turkmenistan, and Venezuela. Initial findings indicate methane emissions from North American and Central Asian production sites are substantially higher than earlier estimates based on ground-based monitoring. Both Turkmenistan and the U.S. are signatories to the Global Methane Pledge, which aims to reduce global methane emissions by 30% by 2030. MethaneSAT is part of a new wave of satellite missions focused on holding major emitters accountable for curbing methane leaks. This comes amid alarming findings from a September study by Stanford University, which reported that global methane emissions are increasing at an unprecedented rate, driving atmospheric methane levels to their highest in 800,000 years. Without immediate intervention, researchers warn, the planet could face a temperature rise exceeding 3 degrees Celsius by 2100. Methane, a greenhouse gas over 80 times more potent than carbon dioxide in the short term, is primarily released through fossil fuel production, agriculture, and waste decomposition. In 2020, human activities were responsible for 65% of methane emissions, with agriculture and waste contributing two-thirds and fossil fuels accounting for one-third. While agricultural emissions are harder to mitigate, initiatives like the Methane Pledge prioritize reducing methane leaks in fossil fuel production, which are more readily addressed. The MethaneSAT mission highlights the urgency of reducing emissions and pressuring major fossil fuel producers to take swift action. The Global Methane Pledge accommodates different national circumstances, allowing countries like New Zealand, where fossil fuel emissions are minimal, to focus on reducing methane from agriculture and waste. With atmospheric methane levels reaching critical thresholds, MethaneSAT and similar initiatives aim to catalyze a global effort to combat this potent driver of climate change.

Central Asia Turkmenistan Home Home Turkmenistan Turkmenistan International Affairs International Affairs Kyrgyzstan Kyrgyzstan International Affairs Business & Economy Kazakhstan Kazakhstan International Affairs Turkmenistan Opinions Opinions Kazakhstan Business & Economy Kyrgyzstan Business & Economy Turkmenistan Features Features Kazakhstan Opinions Kazakhstan Featurees Kyrgyzstan Features Kazakhstan Home

The Geopolitical Battle for Control Over Transportation Routes in Central Asia

Russia and Kazakhstan may be nominal allies, but their geoeconomic interests are not always aligned. As Astana seeks to develop the Middle Corridor – a transportation link connecting China and Europe through Kazakhstan, the Caspian Sea, Azerbaijan, and Georgia, bypassing Russia – Moscow reportedly aims to build a trade and logistics route that would connect Russia and Kyrgyzstan, thereby circumventing Kazakhstan. While various regional actors and international institutions actively invest in the Middle Corridor, also known as the Trans-Caspian International Transportation Route (TITR), a potential route linking Russia and Kyrgyzstan, through Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, remains merely an idea. From the geopolitical perspective, the TITR is seen as an alternative to reach European and international markets and bypass Russia. But what is the primary goal of the Russia-Kyrgyzstan route? Although both Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan are members of the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union, queues of trucks at the Kyrgyz-Kazakh state border seem to have become a norm. Bishkek accuses Kazakhstan of “artificially creating obstacles at the border to weaken competition from Kyrgyzstan”, while the Kazakh authorities claim that Kyrgyz truckers are “unwilling to comply with Astana’s requirements and submit fraudulent documents for cargo.” Since Kyrgyzstan’s main connection with Russia – the major market for its agricultural products – goes through Kazakhstan, it is Astana that has the upper hand over Bishkek. From a purely economic perspective, a new route, including sea transport across the Caspian Sea, would enable faster delivery of vegetables, fruits, as well as other goods from Kyrgyzstan to Russia. However, it remains highly uncertain if Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, as transit countries, are genuinely interested in this project. “Both nations are far more interested in East-West trade, actual supply chain relocations into the region, and new gas contracts with the West,” Samuel Doveri Vesterbye, Managing Director of the European Neighborhood Council, told The Times of Central Asia. In his view, a Kyrgyzstan-Russia corridor would offer a limited amount of trade, due to the sanctions the West imposed on Moscow over its actions in Ukraine. But in spite of that, Kyrgyzstan, like all countries, tries to be part of any connectivity corridor. “There is a lot of ‘corridor competition’ at the moment. Most of it is bluff. It is important to look at which projects are being built and how much investments is going into them. The Russia-Kyrgyzstan corridor, at present, is more hot air than reality. There is no funding from the United States, the European Union, China or Turkey. Also, major players like the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) and the European Investment Bank (EIB) do not seem interested in funding the construction of this route. Therefore, its lifespan and potential look rather limited,” Vesterbye stressed. European institutions seem interested in further development of the Trans-Caspian International Transportation Route. From the European Union’s perspective, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has increased the need to find alternative, reliable, safe and efficient trade routes between Europe and Asia. That is why Brussels is reportedly willing to invest €10 billion ($10.5...

Central Asia Turkmenistan Justice Justice Turkmenistan International Affairs Turkmenistan Local Politics Local Politics Turkmenistan Features Features

Turkmenistan Forcibly Hospitalizes Human Rights Activist to Prevent Her Traveling

Veteran journalist and human rights defender Soltan Achilova was forcibly hospitalized in Turkmenistan, an apparent attempt by authorities to prevent her from leaving the country for an international event in Geneva. The incident was highlighted in a recent article by Rachel Denber, Deputy Director of the Europe and Central Asia Division of Human Rights Watch. Achilova, aged 75, was set to attend an event organized by the Martin Ennals Foundation in recognition of her nomination in 2021 as a finalist for the award. On the morning of November 20, hours before her flight from Ashgabat, four men in medical uniforms arrived at her home. Claiming suspicion of an infectious disease, they forcibly removed her from her residence, confiscated her keys, and transported her to an infectious disease hospital. Shortly after, Achilova's daughter and son-in-law arrived at the scene, only to find one of the men still at the apartment, who demanded they undergo medical examinations due to "contact" with the allegedly infected Achilova. At the hospital, Achilova was subjected to a blood test but was not informed of the specific illness she was purportedly carrying. Officials later declared the test "positive," requiring her indefinite hospitalization. Achilova, along with her daughter and son-in-law, remained at the hospital overnight. This incident reflects a long-standing pattern of repression by Turkmen authorities, who frequently use such tactics to restrict human rights activists from traveling abroad. In 2023, Achilova and her daughter were also barred from traveling to Geneva when officials claimed their passports were damaged. International organizations and human rights defenders have called on Turkmenistan's government to release Achilova and her relatives immediately, cease their forced hospitalization, and allow her to travel freely. Achilova’s ordeal is emblematic of the systemic harassment faced by independent journalists and human rights activists in Turkmenistan. Over the years, she has endured various forms of intimidation: being followed near her home, having her property vandalized, and suffering physical assaults, including attacks by police and unidentified individuals. Achilova's unwavering commitment to human rights has made her a target of state repression. Despite ongoing threats, she continues to raise awareness about the plight of ordinary citizens under Turkmenistan’s authoritarian regime led by President Serdar Berdimuhamedov.

Home Uzbekistan Tajikistan International Affairs Turkmenistan Turkmenistan International Affairs International Affairs Tajikistan Uzbekistan Features Tajikistan Business Economy Kyrgyzstan Kyrgyzstan International Affairs Turkmenistan Business & Economy Business & Economy Kazakhstan Uzbekistan Business & Economy Kazakhstan International Affairs Tajikistan Features Kazakhstan Business & Economy Kyrgyzstan Business & Economy Turkmenistan Features Features Uzbekistan International Affairs Kazakhstan Featurees Kyrgyzstan Features

Russia Looking to Export Gas to China via Kazakhstan

Russia continues to try to reorient its natural gas exports from Europe to Asia and is planning a new pipeline route to China that would pass through Kazakhstan. Kazakhstan stands to benefit not only from transit fees, but could also import some Russia gas for regions in northeastern Kazakhstan that are desperately in need of more energy sources. The Russian plans are bad news for Turkmenistan as China is Turkmenistan’s main gas customer and Turkmen authorities were hoping to sell China even more gas. On November 15, Russian Deputy Prime Minister Aleksandr Novak mentioned the pipeline plan on the sidelines of a Chinese-Russian forum in Kazan, Russia. Novak said such a project is still only being discussed, but Russian media outlet Kommersant wrote on November 18 that there are already three options for the pipeline. All three possibilities pass though northeastern Kazakhstan, but Kazakhstan’s level of participation in the pipeline is different in each variation. One of the projects would require Kazakhstan to build a pipeline for gasification of the northeastern Pavlodar, Abai, and Karaganda provinces. A second proposal would include only the Abai and Zhetysu provinces. Russian gas giant Gazprom’s financial obligation also changes depending on the pipeline project selected. The most expensive option for Gazprom would cost more than $10 billion to construct and would not operate at full capacity until 2034. All versions foresee at least 35 billion cubic meters of Russian gas (bcm) shipped via the pipeline with Kazakhstan receiving some 10 bcm, which would greatly alleviate recent power shortages in northeastern Kazakhstan. Despite Novak saying the pipeline project was only being discussed, Kazakhstan and Russia appear well along in their planning. In early May, Kazakh Ambassador to Russia Duaren Abayev gave an interview to Russia’s TASS news agency and mentioned there was a “roadmap” for supplying 35 bcm of gas to China via Kazakhstan. Russia already exports gas to China via the “Sila Sibiri” (Power of Siberia) pipeline and expects that in 2024 the pipeline will for the first time reach its full capacity of 38 bcm. Construction of Sila Sibiri-2 with a planned capacity of some 50 bcm has been delayed due to China’s reluctance to loan Russia money for construction, differences over price, and China’s increasing purchases of liquefied natural gas (LNG). Novak commented on Sila Sibiri-2, saying the pipeline project involving Kazakhstan was separate and the Russian government will continue to negotiate with China about construction of Sila Sibiri-2. Russia is seeking to replace its former main customer, the European Union. Prior to the Kremlin launching its full-scale war on Ukraine in February 2022, the EU was buying between 150-160 bcm of Russian gas annually. The EU sharply cut back on Russian gas imports in response to the invasion of Ukraine and in 2023 imported less than 43 bcm. Russia’s pivot to Asia for gas exports targets the Chinese market, but Gazprom is looking to take any possible Asian customers and has found some in Central Asia. Russia’s surge into the Asian...

Home Turkmenistan Turkmenistan International Affairs International Affairs Turkmenistan Business & Economy Business & Economy Turkmenistan Features Features

After Long Search, Turkmenistan Finally Finds a New Gas Customer – Iraq

Turkmenistan is reconfiguring its natural gas export options. Despite holding the world’s fourth largest gas reserves, Turkmenistan is exporting less of its gas today than it was 16 years ago. The big gas pipeline projects conceived nearly 30 years ago – a trans-Afghan pipeline to supply gas to Pakistan and India and a trans-Caspian pipeline to send gas to Europe - remain unfeasible for political reasons. Russia has been a leading customer for Turkmen gas for most of those three decades, but now Russia is competing for some of the same buyers as Turkmenistan. Stymied in its search for new markets at seemingly every turn, Turkmenistan is now planning on selling gas to Iraq, via a swap arrangement with Iran that includes bring Iranian companies to Turkmenistan to construct a new pipeline. Running Out of Options Turkmenistan is always looking for new gas customers. Iraq was never a potential gas buyer until recently, and in fact, the defunct Nabucco gas pipeline project of some 15 years ago considered Iraq to be a possible supplier of gas for Europe. Turkmenistan’s deal with Iraq appears to be the only deal possible at the moment, and it is an interesting arrangement. The two countries are not connected by any pipelines, so Turkmenistan will ship up to 10 bcm of gas to Iran, and Iran will send 10 bcm of its gas to Iraq. Turkmenistan signed what was described as a “binding agreement” for gas shipments after Iraq agreed to “an advance payment scheme and tax concessions.” In recent years, about 40% of Iraq’s gas imports came from Iran. After some 20 years of conflict, Iraq’s gas industry is still recovering, and gas imports are needed to operate the country’s power plants. However, sanctions on Iran made it difficult for Iraq to make payments for that gas. A Rocky Gas History There are already two gas pipelines connecting Turkmenistan’s gas fields to northern Iran. At the end of December 1997, the 200-kilometer Korpeje-Kurdkui pipeline with a capacity of some 8 bcm of gas was launched. In January 2010, the Dauletabad-Sarakhs-Khangiran pipeline with a capacity of some 12 bcm started operation. Turkmenistan was never close to shipping the 20 bcm combined capacity. Exports ranged from 6-8 bcm annually for years. Iran usually paid for its Turkmen gas in barter, sending a variety of goods, from food to engineering goods and services to Turkmenistan. In late 2016, a dispute developed between Turkmenistan and Iran over gas. Turkmenistan claimed Iran owed some $2 billion for gas supplies received in the winter of 2007-2008. Iran responded that Turkmenistan was inflating the price. The winter of 2007-2008 was especially cold causing severe gas shortages in 20 Iranian provinces. One Iranian media outlet reported on December 31, 2016, “Turkmenistan pounced on the occasion to demand a nine-fold hike which yanked the price up to $360 from $40 for every 1,000 cubic meters of gas.” On January 1, 2017, Turkmenistan halted gas supplies to Iran. The two countries took their...

Home Uzbekistan Tajikistan International Affairs Turkmenistan Turkmenistan International Affairs International Affairs Tajikistan Uzbekistan Features Kyrgyzstan Kyrgyzstan International Affairs Kazakhstan Kazakhstan International Affairs Tajikistan Features Turkmenistan Features Features Uzbekistan International Affairs Kazakhstan Featurees Kyrgyzstan Features

Central Asia Gears Up For Another Trump Term

Leaders in Central Asia have congratulated Donald Trump on his election to another term as U.S. president, a development that governments in the region will watch closely for its impact on trade, geopolitical tensions and other priorities. Central Asian governments generally seek to balance their relationships with the West alongside more entrenched ties to nearby Russia and China, and are likely to be sensitive to any disruption of the status quo as the United States transitions from the Biden administration to another Trump term. Trump defeated Vice President Kamala Harris in the election on Tuesday, making an extraordinary political comeback and promising that he will deliver “the golden age of America.” Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev sent a message of congratulations to Trump in which he reaffirmed Uzbekistan’s commitment to “deepening the strategic partnership” with the United States, Mirziyoyev’s press office said in a statement. “In his letter, he emphasized shared goals for enhanced cooperation across trade, security, and regional stability, marking a new chapter” in relations between Uzbekistan and the United States, the statement said. Last week, Uzbekistan wrapped up talks with the United States as part of its campaign to join the World Trade Organization by early 2026. President Sadyr Japarov of Kyrgyzstan sent a similar message, according to media reports. "I believe that your leadership experience and deep knowledge will create opportunities for further deepening of comprehensive cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and the United States of America, based on the principles of mutual respect,” Japarov said. In comments relayed to Trump, Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev “expressed confidence that bilateral cooperation in the areas of security, nuclear non-proliferation, and investment would continue to develop consistently,” his office said. Tokayev wished Trump success in efforts to ensure “global stability and security.” There is likely to be basic continuity on matters such as anti-terror cooperation and a stated commitment to trade relations between the U.S. and Central Asia. However, one area of uncertainty is Trump’s warning that he will intensify tariffs on U.S. imports of goods from China, a major economic player across Central Asia. That, in turn, could lead to major fallout for the global economy. Another prominent question is whether Trump will push Western-backed Ukraine to reach a peace deal with Russia nearly three years after Russia’s full-scale invasion. Central Asian nations – specifically, the five former Soviet republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan – have sought a position of neutrality, maintaining their relationships with Russia without offering clear support for the Russian military campaign. Relationships in the region might be due for recalibration if Russian President Vladimir Putin emerges emboldened from any Trump initiative in the conflict. Tokayev has already called for peace efforts to bring the war to an end, describing Russia as “militarily invincible.” There are concerns that Trump will erode U.S. democratic institutions in his second term, a potential disappointment for groups that would like to see the U.S. campaign harder for democratic freedoms in Central Asia. Trump has also promised mass deportations and...