Turkmenistan Local Politics - The Times Of Central Asia

Viewing results 31 - 36 of 141

Cotton

Central Asia’s Cotton Harvest: Between Reform, Coercion, and Economic Strain

The 2025 cotton harvest is underway across Central Asia, revealing the region’s ongoing struggle to reconcile long-promised reforms with persistent coercion and deepening economic pressure. Once the crown jewel of Soviet central planning, cotton, long dubbed “white gold”, remains a politically sensitive and economically vital crop from Turkmenistan to Tajikistan. Turkmenistan: Forced Mobilization Persists In Turkmenistan, mass mobilization for the cotton harvest continues largely unchanged. Chronicles of Turkmenistan reported that during a September cabinet meeting, President Serdar Berdimuhamedov ordered all regions to begin picking on September 10. Just two days earlier, the Ministry of Health had instructed medical institutions to send doctors, nurses, orderlies, and even technical staff to the fields, each assigned a daily quota of 45 kilograms. In the town of Turkmenabat, hospital workers said doctors were expected to go to the fields immediately after overnight shifts. Those who refuse must hire substitutes at their own expense, paying about 50 manats ($14) per day. As a result, up to two-thirds of monthly salaries are spent covering these unofficial harvest duties. While younger staff are dispatched to the fields, older employees are left to maintain hospital operations with minimal support. Uzbekistan: Reform, but Lingering Coercion Uzbekistan, by contrast, has officially ended Soviet-style forced labor. The government abolished child and public-sector mobilization, scrapped state cotton quotas in 2020, and partnered with the International Labour Organization (ILO) to monitor the transition. In March 2022, the Cotton Campaign, a global coalition of rights groups, unions, and apparel brands, lifted its boycott of Uzbek cotton, citing the end of systemic forced labor. The campaign, which began in 2011, had gained the support of more than 330 global brands, including H&M and Zara. Yet coercion has not entirely disappeared. In a recent video published by Kun.uz, Dilfuza Tashmatova, deputy hokim (governor) for family and women’s affairs in the Surkhandarya region's Sariosiyo district, was seen berating mahalla (local governance body) employees for failing to recruit enough pickers. She demanded that each “women’s activist” find five to ten additional laborers, totaling 150 people, and threatened dismissal for non-compliance. “Are you even a woman? Shameless! Unscrupulous! If you don’t want to work, then leave!” she shouted from a cotton field. According to the U.S. Department of Agriculture, approximately 70% of Uzbekistan’s cotton is still harvested by hand, despite recent gains in mechanization. Labor shortages have plagued the past two harvests as fewer people are willing to take on the physically demanding work for low wages. Mahalla councils are often pressured to mobilize unemployed or low-income residents. Following public backlash, Uzbekistan’s Ministry of Poverty Reduction and Employment fined Tashmatova 20.6 million UZS (about $1,660) under Article 51 of the Administrative Code, which prohibits forced labor. From Soviet Monoculture to Market Reforms Uzbekistan’s long history of forced cotton labor dates back to its designation as the Soviet Union’s cotton monoculture. For decades, students, teachers, and medical staff were sent into the fields to meet state quotas. After independence, the system endured until international scrutiny spurred reforms. The ILO hailed...

Society

Watches Bearing Berdimuhamedov Portraits Become Unofficial Currency in Turkmenistan’s Security Sector

In Turkmenistan, wristwatches adorned with the images of President Serdar Berdimuhamedov and his father, former president Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, are increasingly being used as informal bribes by citizens dealing with law enforcement. Chronicles of Turkmenistan reports that these timepieces, once symbols of official loyalty, have evolved into an unofficial currency within the country’s security apparatus. Distributed primarily through the company Sagat Turkmenistan, the watches are embellished with silver-plated cases, gold accents, precious stones, and the emblems of various law enforcement agencies. Prices range from 3,000 to 5,000 Turkmenistani Manat (TMT), or approximately $870-1,450. But few security officers reportedly pay for them out of pocket. Instead, citizens facing potential criminal prosecution are expected to offer the watches as “gifts” to investigators. “If you are told that a criminal case will be brought against you, then you need to buy such a watch and go to the investigator. This does not mean that the case will be closed. But it is the first payment,” said a resident of the town of Bayramali who had prior dealings with law enforcement. The standard version comes with a black leather strap, although a white version is seen as particularly luxurious. In some instances, investigators reportedly request a strap upgrade, an added cost that the briber must cover. The practice is not limited to security services. In May 2024, The Times of Central Asia reported that in the Balkan region, heads of state institutions were required to purchase similar watches featuring the Berdimuhamedov portraits. Prices ranged from 1,500 to 3,000 TMT ($435-870 at the official rate, or $75-150 on the black market), depending on the design and seniority of the buyer. Higher-tier models feature both Serdar Berdimuhamedov in a black tie and Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov in a red tie, along with the Turkmen flag and a map of the country. Simpler versions show only one portrait, or a portrait combined with national symbols. All public sector entities, including institutions in healthcare, education, communications, transport, and law enforcement, were reportedly compelled to participate. Senior officials were instructed to purchase the higher-end watches, while lower-level managers had to acquire less expensive models. The use of personalized accessories as symbols of political loyalty is not new in Turkmenistan. Under former president Saparmurat Niyazov, watches featuring his image were widely distributed among schoolchildren and state employees. “We saw watches with the president’s image during Niyazov’s time. It is not surprising that Serdar [Berdimuhamedov] has also started producing gift watches with his portraits. Now all that remains is for him to start erecting monuments to himself throughout the country,” remarked an employee of a state-funded organization in the city of Turkmenbashi. What began as a tool of soft propaganda has now transformed into a transactional item, part status symbol, part bargaining chip, in the interactions between citizens, officials, and security services.

Human Rights

U.S. State Department: No Improvement in Turkmenistan’s Human Rights Record

The U.S. State Department’s annual report on Turkmenistan for 2024 concludes that “no significant changes in the human rights situation in the country have been observed.” Death in Custody and Pressure on Journalists The report cites the death of Allamurat Khudayramov, from Mary region, who reportedly died from torture while in custody. Journalists also remain under pressure. On August 13, former Radio Azatlyk correspondent Khudayberdi Allashov died in Koneurgench. Independent journalist Soltan Achilova reported harassment by authorities in video messages on July 11 and December 10. In November, she was barred from traveling to Geneva for the second time to receive an international award for her human rights work. The government continues to enforce strict media censorship and control of the internet, blocking websites, social media platforms, and VPN services. Security services reportedly summoned citizens who used VPNs for questioning, though more people are finding ways to bypass restrictions. Labor Rights Violations The report details widespread abuses in the workplace. Employers, including state agencies, compelled employees to work 10-hour days or six-day weeks without overtime pay. Many civil servants were required to work Saturdays. Penalties for labor law violations remain light compared with other crimes, and enforcement mechanisms are weak. Only 327 labor inspectors were responsible for monitoring compliance nationwide. The Ministry of Labor reported 2,269 violations as of September 1, 2024. Workers in the cotton industry faced health risks from chemical exposure but could not refuse unsafe tasks without risking dismissal. The report also documents the use of child labor, with children from low-income families engaged in heavy work in markets and agriculture. Restrictions on Freedom and Repression Abroad The organization Show Them Alive! recorded 162 cases of prisoner disappearances. While no new cases were identified in 2024, existing cases remain unresolved. Courts reportedly prevent detainees from challenging their arrest, and families are often unaware of prisoners’ whereabouts. Torture continues to be reported. The State Department also notes Turkmenistan’s involvement in transnational repression. On November 11, Human Rights Watch warned that Turkmen citizens critical of the government face arrest and torture if they return from abroad. Exit bans remain in force: some citizens are prevented from leaving the country even after renewing passports. In August, Turkmen News editor Ruslan Myatiev was denied entry to Turkey, where he was labeled a “threat to national security.” Turkmen activists abroad have also faced detention. Several opposition figures were arrested in Turkey at Ashgabat’s request, with some deported, including Merdan Mukhamedov, who now faces up to 25 years in prison.

Food Security

Melon Pyramids and Empty Pantries: Tajik and Turkmen Feasts Amid Everyday Shortages

Pyramids of various kinds of melons, fruits laid across the ground to form intricate, traditional patterns, as well as an abundance of fruit, dried fruit, nuts, and bread overflowing from tables, and even fountains, surrounding the edible ground arrangement, and grapes hanging from poles. As an advertisement for national products, a background for international events, or a gift for an ally, Tajikistan is gaining fame for elaborate displays of fruit. It is an amazing sight, with fruits and nuts arranged in patterns that cover large areas of the pavilions and gardens where foreign guests are being entertained. However, as good as these lavish presentations look and taste, these cornucopias are being exhibited in some of Central Asia’s poorest countries, and, unsurprisingly, there has been some discontent and some scandals. For Sale On August 16-17, there was an exhibition of Tajikistan’s products and crafts in the Kazakh capital, Astana, with melon pyramids taking center stage in an exhibition that also featured “over a thousand tons of products: fresh fruits and vegetables, nuts, [and] dried fruits.“It was a return performance for the Tajik “masters” who arrange the exhibitions. Astana hosted a fair of Tajik products in August 2023 that drew a big crowd, some of whom were overly anxious to get their hands on the goods. Dozens of people started taking melons and grapes from the pyramids, breaking shelves and decorations in the process. [caption id="attachment_35359" align="aligncenter" width="1597"] Tajik fair in Astana, 2023; image: public domain[/caption] Impress the Guests One of the most memorable grand displays of fruit occurred when Tajikistan hosted the summit of leaders from the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) on September 27, 2018. On the eve of the summit, Tajik President Emomali Rahmon walked his guests through a garden flanked by enough food to feed a small town for a month. It was the first time such a spread had been laid out for guests at an international gathering, with Rahmon seeming to appreciate having an agricultural background when hosting a diplomatic event. In July 2019, Rahmon met with then-Kyrgyz President Sooronbai Jeenbekov in the northern Tajik town of Isfara. Conflicts along the Kyrgyz-Tajik border were becoming increasingly deadly, and the two presidents met to discuss ways to ease tensions and resolve the festering problems along the frontier. While the two presidents talked, Rahmon guided Jeenbekov through “6 pyramids… of watermelons and melons, as well as almost 20 types of national breads.“ [caption id="attachment_35360" align="aligncenter" width="960"] Sooronbay Jeenbekov and Emomali Rahmon in Isfara; image: press service of the President of the Republic of Tajikistan[/caption] When Dushanbe hosted the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit in September 2021, the feast on the eve of the summit was every bit the equal of the CIS summit in 2018 and featured “huge pyramids of fragrant melons and watermelons, carpets of fresh fruit, grapes cascading like a waterfall, and even fountains of melons.” Rahmon brought his fruit feast to St. Petersburg in October 2022 when CIS leaders gathered for an informal CIS summit...

Society

In Turkmenistan, Non-Turkmen Public Servants Pressured to “Turkmenize” Their Names

In the city of Turkmenabad, mounting evidence points to growing pressure on government employees from ethnic minority backgrounds to alter their names to Turkmen equivalents. According to reports by turkmen.news, ethnic Uzbek names such as Sardon and Shukhrat are being replaced with Turkmenized versions like Serdar and Shokhrat. Forced “Turkmenization” Sources indicate that while this practice previously applied primarily to candidates for high-ranking government positions, it is now being extended to mid-level officials and rank-and-file employees. The pressure appears to be particularly intense within the Ministry of Internal Affairs. In recent years, individuals of non-Turkmen origin have reportedly been systematically excluded from employment in the ministry. While personal connections or influence once allowed some exceptions, ethnic Uzbek and Tajik applicants are now being rejected outright, despite ongoing staffing shortages and high attrition rates. Several sources allege that these practices are being directed from the central government in Ashgabat. The same coercive approach is reportedly applied to secondary school graduates in the Lebap region, where students are encouraged or pressured to conceal their ethnic identities or change their names to Turkmen variants. There are also claims that many Uzbeks previously registered themselves as Turkmen in older-style passports to avoid potential discrimination. Ethnic Composition and Language Rights Official data ranks the Lebap velayat as Turkmenistan’s second most ethnically diverse region, with a significant Uzbek population. In districts such as Farab and Dyaneva, Uzbeks comprise one-third or more of the population. In neighboring Dashoguz region, Uzbeks officially represent nearly one-third of the population. However, similar to the Baluchi community in Mary province, they are denied the right to study their native language in schools, even as an elective subject. Unspoken Employment Discrimination Employment opportunities for non-Turkmens are most restricted in the Lebap and Dashoguz regions. New economic projects and job-creating initiatives are typically implemented last in these areas. An unspoken rule reportedly prioritizes ethnic Turkmens for state employment. The Ministry of National Security screens applicants’ backgrounds across three generations, a practice known as uch arka maglumat. Although Turkmenistan’s laws do not officially require candidates to be ethnically Turkmen and there are ethnic minorities in some senior posts, career advancement is significantly hindered for non-Turkmens. Sources stress that ethnic discrimination in Turkmenistan is closely linked to the broader issue of systemic corruption. Government appointments and promotions are often determined not by merit, but by personal connections, bribery, or family lineage. As a result, officials frequently serve the interests of a narrow in-group rather than the public.

Trilateral Relations

Trilateral Summit in Turkmenistan Focuses on Transport, Energy, and Trade

On August 22, a trilateral summit was held in Turkmenistan’s Avaza National Tourist Zone, bringing together Uzbekistan President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, Chairman of the Halk Maslahaty of Turkmenistan Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, and Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliyev. The leaders focused on strengthening cooperation in trade, the economy, transport, energy, and humanitarian affairs, while also emphasizing the development of political, cultural, and multilateral ties. Transport and Transit Mirziyoyev presented several initiatives aimed at expanding regional transport routes and maximizing the region’s transit potential. He highlighted the strategic importance of integrating existing and new corridors to better connect China with South Asia, the Middle East, and Europe. Construction of the China-Uzbekistan railway is underway, and a memorandum has been signed with Pakistan and Afghanistan to establish the Trans-Afghan Corridor. According to Mirziyoyev, these projects could significantly enhance infrastructure utilization across Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. The development of the Middle Corridor and the Zangezur Corridor was also discussed. The leaders agreed to collaborate on increasing the capacity of regional transport hubs, constructing modern logistics infrastructure at the ports of Turkmenbashi and Baku, implementing a unified tariff policy, and digitizing freight systems. Uzbekistan expressed its willingness to reduce tariffs on a reciprocal basis to facilitate improved access to global markets for regional businesses. Energy Cooperation Energy cooperation was another key focus. The participants emphasized the need to expand collaboration in energy exports and to explore new supply routes. A proposed project to export “green” energy to Europe was described as promising. Additionally, in the hydrocarbon sector, the leaders proposed deeper cooperation in geological exploration and offshore field development in the Caspian Sea. “Joint efforts in the fields of transport, transit, and logistics will be of great importance not only for our countries but also for the wider region,” said President Aliyev, stressing the strategic nature of trilateral cooperation. Aliyev also noted that Azerbaijan’s state oil company SOCAR has begun developing an oil field in Uzbekistan, with results expected in the coming years. Trade and Industry According to summit participants, mutual trade volume between Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Azerbaijan has doubled in recent years, with industrial goods making up 40% of this trade. Talks included preparations for a Comprehensive Action Plan aimed at developing trade and logistics chains, establishing wholesale distribution centers, unifying phytosanitary standards, introducing digital product labeling, and launching joint online platforms. The leaders also underscored the importance of regional engagement and called for increased organization of trade fairs and business forums under the auspices of national chambers of commerce and industry. Summit Outcomes The summit concluded with the endorsement of a new trilateral program for cultural and tourism exchanges, aimed at boosting regional tourism and promoting shared cultural heritage. A joint presidential statement was issued, alongside memoranda of cooperation in the fields of transport and logistics, shipbuilding, and aviation. Additionally, an agreement was signed on cooperation between national commodity and raw material exchanges. To ensure implementation, President Mirziyoyev proposed the development of a roadmap and the institutionalization of regular ministerial meetings focused on key cooperation areas.