Food Security - The Times Of Central Asia

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Food Security

Kazakhstan Ready to Become Key Food Hub in Eurasia

Tajikistan is hosting the 35th Session of the FAO Regional Conference for Europe from May 11 to 15, bringing together members of the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) of the United Nations from Europe and Central Asia for discussions on regional food security and agricultural development priorities. The conference has gathered agriculture ministers from Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan to address the most pressing challenges facing the sector, review FAO activities in Europe and Central Asia in 2024-2025, and outline priorities for 2026-2027. Speaking at the conference, Kazakhstan’s Minister of Agriculture Aidarbek Saparov said the country occupies a strategically important position in the global food security system and remains among the world’s leading grain producers. According to Saparov, Kazakhstan harvested around 27 million tons of grain for the second consecutive year in 2025, along with nearly 5 million tons of oilseeds and approximately 1 million tons of legumes. During the latest agricultural season, the country exported 15.3 million tons of grain. Kazakhstan currently ranks 10th globally in grain exports, second in flour exports, and eighth in sunflower oil exports, supplying agricultural products to around 50 countries. “Against the backdrop of population growth, climate change, and instability in global markets, food security is becoming a key factor in the sustainable development of states. Under these conditions, Kazakhstan is capable of occupying a strategic niche as a regional center for the production, storage, processing, and supply of grain products,” Saparov said. The minister added that Kazakhstan is implementing a comprehensive livestock development plan for 2026-2030 aimed at increasing livestock numbers and expanding the sector’s export potential. Saparov said Kazakhstan possesses the resources necessary to strengthen its position as one of Eurasia’s key food hubs and is prepared to ensure stable, rapid, and cost-effective supplies of grain and processed grain products to Central Asia, the Middle East, Europe, and other regions.

Regional Ecological Summit

Opinion: The Regional Ecological Summit and the Making of a Central Asian Voice

On 22–24 April, Astana hosted the Regional Ecological Summit—a gathering of governments, international organizations, financial institutions, and civil society that marked a new level of ambition in Central Asia’s environmental diplomacy. Fifty-eight sessions were held across three days at a moment when Central Asia’s ecological agenda is becoming inseparable from its political and economic future. The opening ceremony was attended by the presidents of all five Central Asian states. The summit adopted the Astana Declaration on Ecological Solidarity in Central Asia and brought renewed attention to the need to reform the International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea (IFAS). Taken together, these developments signal more than procedural diplomacy. They point to growing political momentum. The region has never lacked shared history or channels of communication. Russian remains a practical language of intergovernmental exchange, and borders, economies, rivers, energy systems, and labor markets have tied these countries together long before contemporary climate diplomacy gave this interdependence a new vocabulary. For decades, much external analysis of Central Asia expected this interdependence to produce confrontation, particularly around water and energy. Those risks remain real. Yet the Astana summit showed a more complex trajectory. Climate change, biodiversity loss, water insecurity, land degradation, and food security are not separate national problems neatly contained within borders. Addressing them is becoming one of the fields through which regional coherence is being built. The significance of the Summit lies less in ceremonial language than in the consolidation of multiple ecological agendas into a visible diplomatic architecture. Through its panels and high-level discussions, the Summit placed Central Asia’s natural heritage not at the margins of development but at its center. Ecosystems, rivers, glaciers, mountains, and landscapes are not only environmental assets. They are conditions for prosperity, stability, and resilience. Kazakhstan’s chairmanship of IFAS reopened the question of whether the Fund, long criticized for its limitations, can be reworked rather than left as a symbol of failed regional environmental governance. Kazakhstan’s proposal for an International Water Organization should be read in the same frame: it is not merely a technical proposal about water governance but an attempt to move a Central Asian concern into the language of global institutional reform. Kyrgyzstan’s mountain agenda and Tajikistan’s glacier diplomacy also belong to this broader pattern. They are not just isolated national branding exercises. Together with Uzbekistan’s increasingly active regional posture, they form a wider mosaic: each country brings a distinct ecological priority, but these priorities are becoming legible as parts of one regional perspective, and its voice carries more weight when presented as such. This is particularly important in the current geopolitical moment. As larger powers turn inward, compete over corridors, or speak about Central Asia through the old grammar of influence, the region is attempting to define itself not as terrain for another “Great Game" but as a pole of its own. This does not mean distance from external partners. On the contrary, the United Nations was a strategic partner of the Summit, and many formats involved major international organizations, European...

Regional Ecological Summit

Astana Is Turning Ecology into Regional Statecraft

On April 22–24, Astana will host the Regional Ecological Summit with the participation of numerous United Nations agencies and international partners. It is expected to produce a joint declaration and a Regional Program of Action for 2026–2030, giving it a formal ambition beyond that of a standard diplomatic conference. Kazakhstan is presenting the event as a region-wide platform through which shared ecological pressures may become a more regular channel for Central Asian coordination. Officially, the summit is framed as a platform for regional solutions to climate and environmental challenges. It is also a more ambitious test of whether Kazakhstan can use ecology to sustain a more regular pattern of regional cooperation under multilateral auspices. Here, Astana is using ecology to include water, health, food systems, natural-resource management, pollution, resilience, and financing. The broader the issue area becomes, the more usable it is as a basis for cooperation among states whose interests diverge elsewhere. The summit grew out of the Regional Climate Summit that President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev proposed at the Astana International Forum in June 2023. Since then, the agenda has widened from climate policy in the narrow sense to ecology more generally. This broadening fits the constraints the five Central Asian states share, which extend beyond emissions or adaptation metrics. They include water stress, land degradation, cross-border environmental risks, public-health effects, and the need for outside financing and technical coordination. A climate-only frame would have been too narrow for those overlapping pressures. The broader ecological frame is therefore more politically useful. The meeting also has a prehistory in earlier regional backing and multilateral development. A key point came on July 21, 2022, at the Fourth Consultative Meeting of Central Asian heads of state in Cholpon Ata, where the Green Agenda Regional Program for Central Asia was adopted. At the same meeting, a joint statement, a roadmap for regional cooperation for 2022–2024, and a concept for Central Asian interaction in multilateral formats were also adopted. The Green Agenda itself was linked to decarbonization, alternative energy, mutual electricity supply, water-saving and environmentally friendly technologies, and the rational use of water resources. Later UNDP material tied that program more explicitly to regional cooperation on climate action, water and energy management, and the use of United Nations platforms for advancing shared initiatives. The Astana summit builds on that earlier momentum. The scale of the UN presence indicates that the summit is meant as more than a ceremonial gathering. UN Kazakhstan says that 18 UN agencies are co-organizing 27 sessions and five workshops. For a regional meeting of this kind, that is a dense working structure. The same UN summary says that one expected outcome is a Joint Declaration by the Heads of State of Central Asia on regional environmental cooperation, followed by a Program of Action for 2026–2030 developed in partnership with the United Nations. Kazakhstan’s own framing presents the summit as a permanent platform for dialogue among governments, international organizations, scientific institutions, business, and civil society. The event is thus situated at the...

Regional Ecological Summit

Kazakhstan’s Regional Ecological Summit 2026: What It Is and Why It Matters

Kazakhstan’s Regional Ecological Summit 2026 in Astana on April 22-24 is aiming to turn Central Asia’s environmental strain into a regional political agenda. Organized in partnership with the United Nations, the summit is built around the theme, “Shared Vision for a Resilient Future.” Its stated purpose is to bring together governments, international organizations, lenders, businesses, researchers, and civil society to push for joint and practical responses to climate and ecological pressures across the region. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev first proposed hosting a regional climate summit in Kazakhstan under UN auspices during his 2023 speech at the 78th session of the UN General Assembly. By 2026, that idea had broadened into a wider environmental summit covering climate transition, adaptation, food security, natural resource management, air pollution, waste, finance, and environmental skills. The official key thematic directions show that this is no longer a narrowly framed climate conference. It is being presented as a broader Central Asian platform for ecological cooperation. In Central Asia, ecological stress now shapes core state concerns, from farming and energy to public health and cross-border cooperation. That gives the Astana summit a broader role than a standard environment conference. That shift reflects real regional pressures. Central Asia faces chronic water stress, glacier retreat, desertification, air pollution, and growing strain on ecosystems. The summit’s organizers say the meeting is meant to produce joint solutions rather than another round of abstract pledges. The UN in Kazakhstan says the summit is expected to advance shared regional responses and identify green financing needs, while a second UN page states that one planned outcome is a Joint Declaration by the heads of state of Central Asia, alongside a 2026-2030 Programme of Action developed with the United Nations. Tokayev’s own language explains the summit’s pitch. On August 5, 2025, speaking at the Third United Nations Conference on Landlocked Developing Countries in Awaza, Turkmenistan, he said, “Many developing countries without access to the sea are facing water scarcity, glacier melt, desertification, and other extreme weather events. Addressing these challenges requires coordinated regional efforts and strong international support. At the same time, I believe that measures to combat climate change must remain balanced and inclusive, and respond to the legitimate development needs of countries. To strengthen our joint efforts in addressing climate change, I invite you to the Regional Ecological Summit, which will be held in Astana in partnership with the United Nations.” The wording shows how Kazakhstan wants to frame the event. Central Asia’s environmental problems cross borders, but the response, in Tokayev’s view, must also accommodate growth, infrastructure, and development. That is why the summit is being presented not just as a climate gathering, but as a forum linking ecological policy, investment, technology, and state planning. The EXPO component is part of that design. Government and investment-promotion pages say the parallel exhibition will focus on green technologies, ESG tools, and practical climate solutions, linking diplomacy to project finance and implementation. The summit’s speaker list underlines its international reach. The official RES 2026 page includes...

Food Security

Tajikistan, Dependent on Sugar Imports, Contends with Price Surge

Tajikistan’s government has been trying to reduce or at least diversify food imports whose prices are vulnerable to regional or global shocks. But a recent surge in the cost of sugar highlights ongoing challenges for the landlocked country. Tajikistan relies on sugar imports from Russia, Belarus, India, Pakistan, Kazakhstan, and other countries. Last year, it imported about 190,000 tons. Now, as oil prices fluctuate because of conflict in the Middle East, Tajikistan is among many countries, including its neighbors in Central Asia, that are struggling with uncertainty over the international energy trade. The country has faced similar cycles in the past. In 2024, Russia announced a ban on grain and sugar exports to some trading partners to ensure its own food needs as it grappled with sanctions and other economic pressures related to the war in Ukraine. Kazakhstan imposed a similar ban on exports as supply tightened. The result was that the sugar price in Tajikistan jumped by about 25% over the previous year. Those export bans were eventually lifted, and the sugar price stabilized and even dropped in Tajikistan in 2025. Now the country faces another bout of price volatility as concerns mount following U.S. and Israeli air strikes on Iran and Iranian retaliation in the region. U.S. and Iranian negotiators failed to reach an agreement in recent talks, and the International Monetary Fund warns that oil market disruptions could slow global growth and spur inflation. The price of a kilogram of sugar in Tajikistan has increased from 9–11 somoni ($0.80–$1) at the end of March to 12–14 somoni ($1.10–$1.30) this month, according to Asia-Plus, a media group in Tajikistan. It said the wholesale price of a 50-kilogram bag had risen from 380–400 somoni ($34–$36) to more than 500 somoni (more than $45) during the same period. Those are increases of at least 25%, similar to the 2024 jump in cost. The Food and Agriculture Organization, a United Nations agency, said the global sugar price index, which measures the monthly change in cost, was up 7.2% in March, and that the Middle East conflict was contributing to upward pressure on prices. “Nevertheless, the overall increase in world sugar prices was contained by the generally favorable global supply outlook for the 2025/26 season, supported by good harvest progress in India and Thailand,” the agency said.

Food Security

Iran Conflict Drives Food Price Pressures Across Central Asia

The war around Iran is beginning to push up food price risks in Central Asia as disruptions to shipping through the Strait of Hormuz raise fertilizer and fuel costs, while Tehran’s halt to some food exports adds pressure in regional markets. The impact is not manifesting as shortages, but as rising costs across the systems that produce, move, and sell food. The United Nations has warned that the crisis is disrupting one of the world’s most important trade corridors for energy and agricultural supplies. A large share of global fertilizer trade passes through the Strait of Hormuz, and reduced shipping traffic is tightening supply and pushing up prices. Higher fuel costs are adding a second layer of pressure on farmers and transport networks. Fertilizer and fuel are among agriculture’s highest costs. Even modest increases can compress margins quickly, forcing farmers to cut usage or pass costs on, with pressure moving through to retail prices. Central Asia is particularly exposed to this shift in costs. The region relies on imported fuel and fertilizers, and depends on long, multi-stage transport routes. When costs increase at any point in that chain, they accumulate before goods reach markets. The second layer of pressure comes from Iran itself. On March 3, Tehran imposed a ban on exports of food products as part of wartime economic measures. Reporting in Tajikistan indicates that the move could affect the availability and pricing of goods such as dairy, sugar, fruit, and spices, particularly in wholesale and lower-cost retail markets. Iran is not a dominant supplier, but plays a role in specific markets. Tajikistan is the clearest example. Tajikistan has also expanded its economic relationship with Iran in recent years, supported by cooperation in industry and transport. Iranian goods are widely present in retail supply chains, and trade between the two countries has grown steadily in recent years. That growth is part of a broader trend. Iran’s economic ties with Central Asia have expanded under new trade arrangements and bilateral initiatives. Kazakhstan and Iran have discussed increasing trade turnover to $3 billion, reflecting the rising use of Caspian routes and port infrastructure, which are now under threat. [caption id="attachment_46480" align="aligncenter" width="1600"] Aralsk Bazaar. Rising transport and fertilizer costs are beginning to push up food prices across the region. Image: Michael J. Bland[/caption] Transport adds a third layer of pressure. As risks rise across the Middle East, airlines and freight operators are avoiding large swathes of Iranian airspace and surrounding routes, forcing rerouting and raising costs across supply chains. European aviation safety authorities have issued conflict-zone bulletins warning of heightened risks in the region, and carriers have adjusted accordingly. Rerouting increases fuel use, extends journey times, and raises insurance costs. Those increases affect cargo as well as passengers, and over time, higher logistics costs feed into the price of imported goods, including food. On land, the same pattern is visible. As southern routes become less predictable, more freight is shifting toward the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route - the Middle Corridor -...