Turkmenistan Local Politics - The Times Of Central Asia

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Food Security

Melon Pyramids and Empty Pantries: Tajik and Turkmen Feasts Amid Everyday Shortages

Pyramids of various kinds of melons, fruits laid across the ground to form intricate, traditional patterns, as well as an abundance of fruit, dried fruit, nuts, and bread overflowing from tables, and even fountains, surrounding the edible ground arrangement, and grapes hanging from poles. As an advertisement for national products, a background for international events, or a gift for an ally, Tajikistan is gaining fame for elaborate displays of fruit. It is an amazing sight, with fruits and nuts arranged in patterns that cover large areas of the pavilions and gardens where foreign guests are being entertained. However, as good as these lavish presentations look and taste, these cornucopias are being exhibited in some of Central Asia’s poorest countries, and, unsurprisingly, there has been some discontent and some scandals. For Sale On August 16-17, there was an exhibition of Tajikistan’s products and crafts in the Kazakh capital, Astana, with melon pyramids taking center stage in an exhibition that also featured “over a thousand tons of products: fresh fruits and vegetables, nuts, [and] dried fruits.“It was a return performance for the Tajik “masters” who arrange the exhibitions. Astana hosted a fair of Tajik products in August 2023 that drew a big crowd, some of whom were overly anxious to get their hands on the goods. Dozens of people started taking melons and grapes from the pyramids, breaking shelves and decorations in the process. [caption id="attachment_35359" align="aligncenter" width="1597"] Tajik fair in Astana, 2023; image: public domain[/caption] Impress the Guests One of the most memorable grand displays of fruit occurred when Tajikistan hosted the summit of leaders from the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) on September 27, 2018. On the eve of the summit, Tajik President Emomali Rahmon walked his guests through a garden flanked by enough food to feed a small town for a month. It was the first time such a spread had been laid out for guests at an international gathering, with Rahmon seeming to appreciate having an agricultural background when hosting a diplomatic event. In July 2019, Rahmon met with then-Kyrgyz President Sooronbai Jeenbekov in the northern Tajik town of Isfara. Conflicts along the Kyrgyz-Tajik border were becoming increasingly deadly, and the two presidents met to discuss ways to ease tensions and resolve the festering problems along the frontier. While the two presidents talked, Rahmon guided Jeenbekov through “6 pyramids… of watermelons and melons, as well as almost 20 types of national breads.“ [caption id="attachment_35360" align="aligncenter" width="960"] Sooronbay Jeenbekov and Emomali Rahmon in Isfara; image: press service of the President of the Republic of Tajikistan[/caption] When Dushanbe hosted the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit in September 2021, the feast on the eve of the summit was every bit the equal of the CIS summit in 2018 and featured “huge pyramids of fragrant melons and watermelons, carpets of fresh fruit, grapes cascading like a waterfall, and even fountains of melons.” Rahmon brought his fruit feast to St. Petersburg in October 2022 when CIS leaders gathered for an informal CIS summit...

Society

In Turkmenistan, Non-Turkmen Public Servants Pressured to “Turkmenize” Their Names

In the city of Turkmenabad, mounting evidence points to growing pressure on government employees from ethnic minority backgrounds to alter their names to Turkmen equivalents. According to reports by turkmen.news, ethnic Uzbek names such as Sardon and Shukhrat are being replaced with Turkmenized versions like Serdar and Shokhrat. Forced “Turkmenization” Sources indicate that while this practice previously applied primarily to candidates for high-ranking government positions, it is now being extended to mid-level officials and rank-and-file employees. The pressure appears to be particularly intense within the Ministry of Internal Affairs. In recent years, individuals of non-Turkmen origin have reportedly been systematically excluded from employment in the ministry. While personal connections or influence once allowed some exceptions, ethnic Uzbek and Tajik applicants are now being rejected outright, despite ongoing staffing shortages and high attrition rates. Several sources allege that these practices are being directed from the central government in Ashgabat. The same coercive approach is reportedly applied to secondary school graduates in the Lebap region, where students are encouraged or pressured to conceal their ethnic identities or change their names to Turkmen variants. There are also claims that many Uzbeks previously registered themselves as Turkmen in older-style passports to avoid potential discrimination. Ethnic Composition and Language Rights Official data ranks the Lebap velayat as Turkmenistan’s second most ethnically diverse region, with a significant Uzbek population. In districts such as Farab and Dyaneva, Uzbeks comprise one-third or more of the population. In neighboring Dashoguz region, Uzbeks officially represent nearly one-third of the population. However, similar to the Baluchi community in Mary province, they are denied the right to study their native language in schools, even as an elective subject. Unspoken Employment Discrimination Employment opportunities for non-Turkmens are most restricted in the Lebap and Dashoguz regions. New economic projects and job-creating initiatives are typically implemented last in these areas. An unspoken rule reportedly prioritizes ethnic Turkmens for state employment. The Ministry of National Security screens applicants’ backgrounds across three generations, a practice known as uch arka maglumat. Although Turkmenistan’s laws do not officially require candidates to be ethnically Turkmen and there are ethnic minorities in some senior posts, career advancement is significantly hindered for non-Turkmens. Sources stress that ethnic discrimination in Turkmenistan is closely linked to the broader issue of systemic corruption. Government appointments and promotions are often determined not by merit, but by personal connections, bribery, or family lineage. As a result, officials frequently serve the interests of a narrow in-group rather than the public.

Trilateral Relations

Trilateral Summit in Turkmenistan Focuses on Transport, Energy, and Trade

On August 22, a trilateral summit was held in Turkmenistan’s Avaza National Tourist Zone, bringing together Uzbekistan President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, Chairman of the Halk Maslahaty of Turkmenistan Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, and Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliyev. The leaders focused on strengthening cooperation in trade, the economy, transport, energy, and humanitarian affairs, while also emphasizing the development of political, cultural, and multilateral ties. Transport and Transit Mirziyoyev presented several initiatives aimed at expanding regional transport routes and maximizing the region’s transit potential. He highlighted the strategic importance of integrating existing and new corridors to better connect China with South Asia, the Middle East, and Europe. Construction of the China-Uzbekistan railway is underway, and a memorandum has been signed with Pakistan and Afghanistan to establish the Trans-Afghan Corridor. According to Mirziyoyev, these projects could significantly enhance infrastructure utilization across Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. The development of the Middle Corridor and the Zangezur Corridor was also discussed. The leaders agreed to collaborate on increasing the capacity of regional transport hubs, constructing modern logistics infrastructure at the ports of Turkmenbashi and Baku, implementing a unified tariff policy, and digitizing freight systems. Uzbekistan expressed its willingness to reduce tariffs on a reciprocal basis to facilitate improved access to global markets for regional businesses. Energy Cooperation Energy cooperation was another key focus. The participants emphasized the need to expand collaboration in energy exports and to explore new supply routes. A proposed project to export “green” energy to Europe was described as promising. Additionally, in the hydrocarbon sector, the leaders proposed deeper cooperation in geological exploration and offshore field development in the Caspian Sea. “Joint efforts in the fields of transport, transit, and logistics will be of great importance not only for our countries but also for the wider region,” said President Aliyev, stressing the strategic nature of trilateral cooperation. Aliyev also noted that Azerbaijan’s state oil company SOCAR has begun developing an oil field in Uzbekistan, with results expected in the coming years. Trade and Industry According to summit participants, mutual trade volume between Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Azerbaijan has doubled in recent years, with industrial goods making up 40% of this trade. Talks included preparations for a Comprehensive Action Plan aimed at developing trade and logistics chains, establishing wholesale distribution centers, unifying phytosanitary standards, introducing digital product labeling, and launching joint online platforms. The leaders also underscored the importance of regional engagement and called for increased organization of trade fairs and business forums under the auspices of national chambers of commerce and industry. Summit Outcomes The summit concluded with the endorsement of a new trilateral program for cultural and tourism exchanges, aimed at boosting regional tourism and promoting shared cultural heritage. A joint presidential statement was issued, alongside memoranda of cooperation in the fields of transport and logistics, shipbuilding, and aviation. Additionally, an agreement was signed on cooperation between national commodity and raw material exchanges. To ensure implementation, President Mirziyoyev proposed the development of a roadmap and the institutionalization of regular ministerial meetings focused on key cooperation areas.

Internet

Turkmenistan Tightens Internet Blocks to Promote State-Controlled VPNs

Internet restrictions in Turkmenistan have intensified sharply in recent weeks, according to sources who spoke with turkmen.news. Authorities have reportedly expanded the national IP blacklist by adding numerous /16 subnets, each covering over 65,000 IP addresses. While such sweeping blocks might appear politically motivated, insiders claim the real motive is commercial: corrupt officials are using the restrictions to market and sell VPN services and “whitelist” access they control themselves. In July 2024, Turkmen authorities briefly restored access to around 3 billion previously blocked IP addresses, raising hopes of a more open digital environment and a boost to the stagnant online economy. However, that reprieve proved temporary. The blocks soon returned, initially targeting smaller /24 subnets (255 IP addresses each). This summer, the government's cybersecurity department escalated efforts by blocking entire /16 subnets, cutting off hundreds of thousands of websites in a matter of weeks. Restrictions Without Justification Turkmenistan already ranks among the most digitally isolated nations. Independent media, global social networks, and any platforms perceived to host criticism of the government have long been inaccessible. However, the latest wave of blocks is not driven by political considerations, as most politically sensitive platforms were already restricted. Instead, the scale and targets of the new blocks suggest other motivations. According to turkmen.news, even benign and essential online services, such as update servers for antivirus software like Bitdefender and some Google utilities, have been caught in the dragnet. Experts warn that this poses a growing cybersecurity risk in a country with limited digital literacy and inadequate access to software updates. Selling Access in a Closed System Sources allege that Turkmen officials are using the crackdown to corner the market for virtual private networks. VPN keys now cost around 1,000 manats (roughly $50) per month, while access to a whitelist, ensuring uninterrupted connectivity, can run up to $2,000 monthly. The officials reportedly behind the scheme are said to be deliberately blocking alternatives to force users into purchasing their products. Last year, turkmen.news identified several figures allegedly involved in this scheme: Maksat Geldyev, Allanazar Kulnazarov, and Didar Seyidov. While these individuals reportedly profit from the artificial scarcity they create, the broader economy suffers. Analysts estimate that Turkmenistan loses millions of dollars daily due to the constraints on digital development, which is a key factor in modern GDP growth. Official Denials Amid International Scrutiny Despite mounting evidence, the Turkmen government continues to deny the severity of the situation. The Foreign Ministry recently issued a statement condemning Ukrainian television channel FreeDom for what it described as “biased and false” coverage of the country’s internet restrictions. Nonetheless, experts warn that unless the government reverses course, Turkmenistan’s digital isolation will continue to hinder economic development, deepen cybersecurity vulnerabilities, and further disconnect its population from the global information space.

Tourism

Turkmenistan Still Requires COVID Tests and Visas for All Visitors

Turkmenistan continues to enforce some of the strictest entry requirements in the world, including COVID-19 testing and complex visa procedures. According to a recent report by The Telegraph, all international arrivals are still subject to a mandatory PCR test at Ashgabat International Airport, despite the global rollback of pandemic-era measures. The nasal swab test, which costs approximately US$31, remains a compulsory step for entry, even though proof of COVID-19 vaccination is not required. All foreign nationals must also obtain a visa and an official invitation letter before travel. For tourists, this invitation must come from a licensed Turkmen travel agency. Business travelers need a letter from the host organization, whether a private company or a government ministry. Applicants must then submit their visa request, along with the invitation, to a Turkmen embassy. Processing can take up to a month unless expedited service is requested, available for approximately US$150 for a 24-hour turnaround. Travelers holding a certified invitation may be eligible for a visa on arrival at Ashgabat airport, but they must present the invitation letter upon entry. Without proper documentation, visitors risk being detained at the airport and denied entry. Even transit passengers are subject to the same strict requirements, including a visa and invitation letter. A special short-term transit visa, valid for stays under five days, is available in limited cases. In addition, anyone staying in Turkmenistan for more than three days must register with the State Migration Service within 72 hours of arrival. All foreign guests must also pay mandatory entry fees: a US$14 “migration fee” and a tourism tax of roughly US$2 per day. A potential shift is on the horizon. In April 2025, President Serdar Berdimuhamedov approved legislation introducing an electronic visa system. Once implemented, travelers will be able to complete a simplified online application process without the need for the traditional invitation letter. Authorities say the e-visa initiative is designed to streamline travel and boost tourism. Until the new system is in place, however, Turkmenistan remains a tightly controlled destination with elaborate entry requirements and limited flexibility for international visitors.

Soviet Legacy

Lenin Falls in Osh: Central Asia Redefines Its Soviet Legacy

The recent removal of a towering 23-meter-tall monument to Vladimir Lenin in Osh, Kyrgyzstan, has ignited heated debate both domestically and abroad. While many are surprised the monument remained in place for more than three decades after the fall of the Soviet Union, its dismantling is part of a broader regional trend of de-Sovietization, a complex process involving the renaming of cities, removal of Soviet-era symbols, and the reassertion of national identity across Central Asia. A Symbol Removed, A Debate Ignited [caption id="attachment_32769" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Lenin Monument in Osh, October 2024; image: TCA, Jonathan Campion[/caption] On June 7, Osh authorities dismantled what was once the tallest Lenin statue in Central Asia. Originally installed in 1975, the monument is to be relocated to a city park, according to the local government. Officials stressed the move was intended to improve the city’s architectural landscape, not to make a political statement, and have warned against "politicizing" the issue. Despite official reassurances, the move has sparked sharp reactions on social media and in the press, with Russian media outlets characterizing the relocation as an anti-Russian gesture. Generational divides have become apparent: younger residents tend to support the removal, while older citizens have expressed dismay over what they see as the erasure of history. “It’s a shame. It was more than a monument, it was part of our lives,” Elena, a local schoolteacher told The Times of Central Asia. “We joke that Lenin crossed the ‘red line’ and got demolished.” Irina Bayramukova, a 68-year-old public figure, called the decision a mistake. “The Lenin monument by Nikolai Tomsky was not only artistically significant, it represented an era. Removing it is like declaring war on those who identify with that past,” she told TCA. Kyrgyzstan, like other Central Asian republics, has been distancing itself from its Soviet legacy since gaining independence in 1991. One of the earliest symbolic moves was the renaming of the capital, once called Frunze after a Bolshevik military leader, back to Bishkek, a modified version of its pre-Soviet name. A Museum to Mikhail Frunze still stands in Bishkek, where the thatched-roof hut of his boyhood was purportedly transported brick by brick. A supporter of Stalin’s rival Zinoviev, when forced to undergo routine surgery by Uncle Joe in 1925, Frunze “mysteriously” died of chloroform anesthetic poisoning. Redefining History [caption id="attachment_32778" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Lenin Monument in Bishkek; image: TCA, Stephen M. Bland[/caption] Originally erected in 1984 in the Central Square of Bishkek, a Lenin statue was relocated behind the State Historical Museum in 2003. As previously reported by TCA, earlier this year a debate on removing the monument altogether flared up. In 2022, the National Historical Museum of the Kyrgyz Republic in Bishkek finally reopened its doors after being closed in 2016 for renovations which were planned to take less than a year but ended up taking six years. Several government officials were charged with misappropriating funds designated for the renovations, with former Prime Minister Sapar Isakov sentenced to 18 years in prison. Reportedly, over...