Our People > Andrei Matveev

Journalist

Andrei Matveev is a journalist from Kazakhstan.

Articles

Diplomacy

EU Sanctions Envoy’s Kazakh Visit Signals Rising Stakes

On January 30, David O’Sullivan, the European Union’s Special Envoy for Sanctions, made his fourth visit to Kazakhstan. Following the visit, he gave a briefing in Astana, where he discussed the new sanctions package, which could theoretically include Kazakh companies that assist Russia in circumventing restrictions. What O’Sullivan Said According to O'Sullivan, only companies with indisputable evidence against them of involvement in violations will added to the sanctions list. “We are currently working on preparing a new, 16th package of sanctions. It is possible that Kazakh companies may be added to the list, but no decision has been made yet. We conduct a detailed analysis of companies, examine their trade relations, and review the goods they have previously traded. Of course, we prefer to work with governments to find a systematic solution rather than simply adding individual companies to the list. However, when there is no other option, we do add them,” O’Sullivan explained. The EU Sanctions Envoy reiterated that the EU remains one of Kazakhstan’s key economic partners, with mutual trade turnover reaching nearly 40 billion euros per annum. The EU accounts for 38% of Kazakhstan’s exports and 55 billion euros in direct foreign investments. Highlighting the importance of economic ties, O’Sullivan stated that the EU fully respects Kazakhstan’s position on sanctions, but urged authorities to take strict measures against third-party entities using the country’s trade channels. “We have concerns that unscrupulous actors may try to use Kazakhstan as a platform to circumvent our sanctions,” O’Sullivan warned, pointing to the import of high-tech goods such as microchips, sensors, and circuits, which have been found in Russian drones, missiles, and artillery shells. O'Sullivan noted that these goods, listed in an open “common high-priority list” of 50 codes, are not produced in Kazakhstan but are allegedly being re-exported from EU and G7 countries through Kazakh intermediaries. While they make up less than 1% of Kazakhstan’s total trade volume, O’Sullivan emphasized that these are “lethal products that kill innocent Ukrainian civilians.” The special envoy recalled that in 2024, the EU blacklisted two Kazakh companies and issued a warning that this list could be expanded. He noted that particular attention is being given to companies that emerged immediately after the invasion of Ukraine and the start of the new sanctions regime. “These are usually not well-established, well-known companies with a long history of trading. The fact that a company was created right after the invasion and the imposition of sanctions suggests that its sole purpose may be to evade sanctions,” he stated while stressing that merely registering after 2022 is not sufficient grounds for inclusion on the sanctions list. Strategically Important Central Asia Given the statistics cited by O’Sullivan, there was no pressing need for his fourth personal visit to Kazakhstan. The blacklisting of two Kazakh companies last year went largely unnoticed by the country’s general public. However, his visit highlights the mechanisms of international politics set in motion following Donald Trump’s return to the White House and the opening gambits of his administration,...

1 year ago

Economy

Tokayev Outlines Economic Reforms and Calls for Revised Energy Contracts

On January 28, Kazakhstan's capital Astana hosted an expanded government meeting led by President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev. The event focused on the country's socio-economic development in 2024, but this year’s discussion carried broader implications, addressing both domestic and international concerns. Addressing Budget Constraints From the outset, Tokayev made it clear that a key issue for his government is the state budget’s financial shortfall. Analyst Gaziz Abishev noted on his Telegram channel that the problem is not just a lack of funds but a long-standing habit - dating back to 2003 - of addressing challenges by simply increasing spending. “There is no longer an oil windfall to revitalize the dry economy as there was 20 years ago,” Abishev wrote. Adding to the uncertainty, Kazakhstan’s oil revenues face potential disruption from Donald Trump’s stated intention to drive down global hydrocarbon prices. Tokayev outlined a range of measures to fill budget gaps, urging his government to take bold, unconventional steps. He called on officials to act in the country’s best interests without fear of pressure from the Anti-Corruption Service or public opinion. He also stressed the importance of depoliticizing economic partnerships, particularly with Russia and China, cautioning against allowing Russophobic or Sinophobic rhetoric to interfere with business deals. “Money must be attracted from abroad, and this is more important than ever. Without investment, we cannot sustain ourselves. Money doesn’t smell, but it disappears. We need to attract investment from all sides - within the law - without falling into populism. The future of the national economy, and to some extent the country as a whole, is at stake,” Abishev commented. Public Reaction to Tax Reforms Although tax reform was only the sixth of eight key points in Tokayev’s speech, it quickly became the most widely discussed issue among the public. Kazakhstan’s value-added tax (VAT) is currently 12%, with a sufficiency threshold of 78 million tenge ($150,937). The government is considering raising the VAT rate to 20% and lowering the sufficiency threshold to 15 million tenge ($29,026). If implemented, nearly all small businesses would become VAT payers, while the increased tax rate is expected to drive inflation. The government maintains that inflation will not exceed 4.5%, but Tokayev’s mention of “belt-tightening” has already led many to expect rising retail prices. To offset the burden on businesses, the government proposes eliminating mandatory employer pension contributions and reducing the social tax. However, Tokayev himself expressed reservations about cutting the social tax, emphasizing that regional governors (akims) need financial incentives. “Think again. I believe it would be wrong to deprive akims of incentives, especially financial ones. After all, the regions are the country. Find a solution. We will meet again to discuss these issues,” he told the government. The tax reforms will also be debated in Parliament, where the lower house is currently reviewing the draft of the new Tax Code. The government will have to negotiate with members of the Majilis and Senate over the VAT rate, sufficiency threshold, and other sensitive issues. Messages to Foreign Partners...

1 year ago

Law and Order

Wild Arman Sentenced: From Thief-In-Law to Coup Plotter

On January 27, another high-profile trial related to the January 2022 events concluded in Almaty. More than 40 individuals were in the dock, but the main figures in the proceedings were three individuals: former Almaty city council deputy and popular blogger Kairat Kudaibergen, former head of the Fifth Department of Kazakhstan’s National Security Committee Ruslan Iskakov, and crime boss Arman Jumageldiev, better known by his criminal nickname, 'Wild Arman.' Harsh Sentences Most of the defendants received short sentences and were released due to time already served. However, for the main figures in the case, the court handed down the following punishments: Kairat Kudaibergen, former deputy and entrepreneur, received eight years in prison. He was also banned from appearing on social media, organizing rallies, debates, and events, and publishing in the media. Ruslan Iskakov, the former head of the Fifth Department of the National Security Committee, was sentenced to 15 and a half years in prison. Arman Jumageldiev (Wild Arman) was sentenced to 20 years in prison. He was prohibited from participating in organizations, organizing events, and publishing in the media or on social networks. In addition to this trio, two other lengthy sentences were handed down: former financial police agent Talgat Makhatov received 15 years, whilst journalist Berdakh Berdymuratov was sentenced to seven years. During the trial, two of the four charges initially brought against Kairat Kudaibergen were dropped. Meanwhile, Arman Jumageldiev, who was originally charged under eleven articles of the Criminal Code of Kazakhstan, faced eight charges by the end of the trial. The 40-year-old crime boss, who along with his defense team has long denied his ties to organized crime, will be released close to the age of retirement should his sentence remain unchanged after his appeal. Under Surveillance Senior Prosecutor of the Almaty Regional Transport Prosecutor’s Office, Mukhit Rysbekov, provided detailed comments on the verdict for Wild Arman (Arman Jumageldiev), revealing the defense’s strategy during the trial. "The court deliberated on the case for about a year. During this time, Jumageldiev’s defenders tried to present him to the court and the public as a patriot, a national hero who helped and protected citizens during the tragic January events. Despite the active campaign organized by Jumageldiev and his defense to rehabilitate his image, we managed to prove the opposite. We proved that back in 2016, long before those events, Jumageldiev led a criminal organization, an armed gang, which included the same representatives of the criminal world,” said Rysbekov. Commenting on Jumageldiev’s sentencing, political analyst Daniyar Ashimbaev noted that the trial had addressed one of the key facets in a broader scheme. "It is clear that the National Security Committee (KNB) was ‘tracking’ this organized criminal group (OCG), which during the January events was supposed to take on the role of establishing 'public governance,' subduing looters, presenting 20 pre-captured individuals as instigators, and ultimately calling for power to be handed over to a 'people’s government' led by the coup organizers," Ashimbaev stated. "This was evident as early as the...

1 year ago

Global Diplomacy

Jackson-Vanik: One Step Away from Repeal

The U.S. Senate has confirmed Marco Rubio as Secretary of State, raising hopes among Central Asian leaders - particularly in Kazakhstan - that his recent comments regarding the Jackson-Vanik amendment may soon translate into concrete action to repeal this outdated policy, which continues to hinder mutual trade. Passed in 1974 as part of the Trade Act under President Gerald Ford, the Jackson-Vanik amendment was designed to penalize countries with non-market economies that restricted emigration, particularly targeting the Soviet Union. The amendment specifically sought to pressure the USSR to allow its Jewish population to emigrate freely, while also protesting the suppression of Judaism and other religious practices. The amendment achieved a measure of success by 1989, when the Iron Curtain fell and Soviet Jews were permitted to emigrate in large numbers, primarily to Israel and the United States. However, the policy remained in place, even after the dissolution of the USSR, applying to the newly independent Central Asian republics despite their vastly different political and economic landscapes. On January 15, Rubio delivered a nearly five-hour confirmation speech during a Senate hearing for his nomination as Secretary of State under the Donald Trump administration. Among the topics discussed was the Jackson-Vanik amendment. Senator Steve Daines specifically asked Rubio for his position on the amendment, emphasizing that its repeal could normalize U.S. trade relations with Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. Rubio described the amendment as “an absurd relic of the past,” asserting that it no longer serves any meaningful purpose in pressuring Central Asian countries on human rights. He warned that continued use of such measures could push nations like Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan closer to Russia’s sphere of influence. Rubio singled out Kazakhstan, noting that the country had “successfully met the conditions” to transition to a market economy, as evidenced by its accession to the World Trade Organization several years ago. He pledged to work with lawmakers to repeal the Jackson-Vanik amendment, signaling a shift in U.S. policy toward fostering deeper economic ties with the region. Why Central Asia Was Left Behind The continued application of the Jackson-Vanik amendment to Central Asia can be partially explained by the differing domestic policies of its key players - Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. Under Nursultan Nazarbayev, Kazakhstan quickly abandoned Soviet-era restrictions on emigration and took steps to promote religious tolerance and interfaith harmony. By contrast, Uzbekistan under Islam Karimov maintained many of the Soviet Union’s repressive practices, including restrictions on religious minorities. This disparity in policies contributed to Washington’s perception of the region as monolithic and resistant to reform, discouraging efforts to lift the amendment. Recent Developments and Challenges In recent years, there have been efforts to lower trade barriers between the U.S. and Central Asia, particularly through initiatives like the B5+1 dialogue, which aims to attract greater Western investment to the region. However, the Jackson-Vanik amendment complicates these efforts, as countries must secure an annual waiver from the U.S. President to maintain normal trade relations. Kazakhstan has emerged as the frontrunner in advocating for the amendment’s repeal. An...

1 year ago

Cyber Security

Cyber Déjà Vu: Is Russia Spying on Kazakhstan Again?

Another espionage scandal is gaining traction in the Western media, with Kazakhstan once again at its center. Within Kazakhstan, however, the topic of Russian cyber activities against the country is receiving minimal attention in the press. While Akorda seeks to navigate its delicate relationship with the Kremlin, any overt allegations of espionage might provoke Moscow’s powerful propaganda machine, which continues to exert significant influence over public opinion in Kazakhstan. This time, the intrigue is unfolding in cyberspace, where a hacker group identified as UAC-0063, potentially linked to the Kremlin-backed Advanced Persistent Threat (APT) group known as APT28, has been implicated in spying on diplomatic institutions across Central Asia. The group’s activities, which can be traced back to at least 2021, have targeted not only Kazakhstan, but also Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and other countries. Their previous targets include diplomatic, non-profit, academic, energy, and defense organizations in Ukraine, Israel, India, and the wider Central Asian region. According to a cyber espionage investigation by Sekoia, UAC-0063 hackers infiltrated Kazakhstan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs by leveraging official documents, such as emails, draft memos, and internal administrative communications. These documents — likely used to deliver malware — were either stolen in prior cyber operations, obtained from open sources, or acquired through other unknown means. Sekoia identified around two dozen such documents, dating from 2021 to October 2024, which primarily addressed Kazakhstan’s diplomatic cooperation and economic relations with other countries. The researchers suggest this campaign is part of a broader, Kremlin-backed global cyber espionage operation targeting Central Asia, with a particular focus on Kazakhstan's foreign relations. This latest revelation is a reminder of other episodes. One prominent ongoing case involves individuals in London who stand accused of preparing actions at the behest of Russia against Kazakhstan's diplomatic mission in the United Kingdom and targeting President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev’s son. Even more striking is the echo of the Pegasus spyware scandal, which emerged in 2021. An investigation by the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) revealed that the Israeli-developed Pegasus spyware was used to monitor a wide range of individuals in Kazakhstan, including independent journalists, activists, human rights defenders, and high-ranking officials. Among the targets were President Tokayev, then-Prime Minister Askar Mamin, former Akim of Almaty Bakytzhan Sagintayev, and several of Kazakhstan’s wealthiest business-people. At the time, public suspicion fell upon Karim Massimov, the former chief of the National Security Committee (KNB), as the perpetrator of the Pegasus surveillance. However, the issue faded into obscurity following the unrest of January 2022, the events of which were officially described as an attempted coup d’état. To this day, no definitive answers have been provided about who orchestrated the Pegasus cyberattacks or their motives. Now, with fresh reports of Russian-linked malware targeting Kazakhstan’s cyber-security, it appears that history may be repeating itself. The key question which remains - is this merely a case of déjà vu, or could it signal the groundwork for a new effort to destabilize Kazakhstan?

1 year ago