• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00215 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10641 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00215 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10641 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00215 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10641 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00215 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10641 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00215 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10641 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00215 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10641 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00215 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10641 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00215 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10641 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%

Our People > Andrei Matveev

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Journalist

Andrei Matveev is a journalist from Kazakhstan.

Articles

Russia to Halt Kazakh Oil Flow to Germany, Exposing Europe’s Transit Vulnerability

Russia will stop the transit of Kazakh oil to Germany through the Druzhba pipeline from May 1 according to Reuters, disrupting a route that Berlin had built up after ending direct Russian crude imports. The move affects supplies to the PCK refinery in Schwedt, a major fuel plant for Berlin and Brandenburg. Russia’s Deputy Prime Minister Alexander Novak said the change would begin because of “technical possibilities.” Germany’s economy ministry said Rosneft Germany, which remains under German trusteeship, had informed the Federal Network Agency that transit of Kazakh crude through Russian territory to PCK would be prohibited from that date. The ministry added that the Russian government had not directly notified Berlin. Germany’s economy ministry said the stoppage did not threaten fuel supply and that existing alternatives would be used. About 17% of PCK Schwedt’s current crude supply comes from Kazakh oil delivered through the Druzhba pipeline. Germany’s economy ministry said that “existing options will be utilized to ensure security of supply in Germany” and that the halt “did not put the security of supply of petroleum products in jeopardy.” [caption id="attachment_47676" align="aligncenter" width="1038"] Image: pck.de/[/caption] However, the halt still exposes Germany’s reliance on a route that runs through Russia. Schwedt can process up to 12 million metric tons of oil a year and is a major fuel supplier for Berlin and Brandenburg, so any disruption attracts close attention even if replacement volumes can be found elsewhere. Germany has already looked at alternative deliveries through Rostock and Gdansk. Since 2023, Kazakh crude has reached Germany through Russia and Belarus via the Druzhba pipeline, giving Berlin a non-Russian source of oil and expanding Astana’s role in the European market. But the route still relied on Russian transit approval. The halt comes after two years of growth. Regular deliveries of Kazakh crude to Germany began in 2023, and in October 2025, the supply arrangement was extended through the end of 2026. Kazakhstan had been planning to expand that trade further. During an April 7 meeting with Bavarian State Minister Eric Beißwenger, Kazakhstan’s Energy Ministry said it aimed to raise oil exports to Germany to 2.5 million tons in 2026. Reuters reported that 2.146 million metric tons were delivered in 2025 and that 730,000 tons were supplied in the first quarter of 2026. KazTransOil has separately published its first-quarter operating results. Kazakhstan’s Energy Minister Yerlan Akkenzhenov confirmed that Druzhba transit to Germany would be halted. “For May, transit through Atyrau-Samara in the direction of the Druzhba pipeline and further to the Schwedt refinery is zero,” Akkenzhenov stated. He added that the Russian side, according to unofficial information, said it lacked the technical capability to pump Kazakh oil and that this was “most likely” linked to recent strikes on Russian infrastructure. He said transit would resume once the technical issue was resolved. Kazakh crude sent to Germany through Druzhba first moves via the Uzen-Atyrau-Samara pipeline and then through Transneft’s system to the Adamova Zastava delivery point before reaching Schwedt. The oil is sold as...

1 day ago

At Antalya Forum, Tokayev Delivers a Stark Warning on Iran and the UN

Last week, the Turkish resort city of Antalya hosted the fifth annual Antalya Diplomacy Forum. Particular attention was drawn to the speech by Kazakhstan’s president, Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, who once again raised the issue of reforming the United Nations. Held since 2021 at the initiative of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the forum brings together political leaders, diplomats, experts, business representatives, media, and civil society. It serves as a platform for bilateral and multilateral contacts, political consultations, and informal diplomacy. This year, alongside Turkey and Kazakhstan, the forum was attended by delegations from Azerbaijan, Qatar, Pakistan, Syria, Georgia, North Macedonia, Moldova, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Slovenia, Burundi, and the Democratic Republic of Congo, all led by their respective heads of state. A widely circulated photograph from the opening ceremony, showing Erdoğan and Tokayev in conversation, was interpreted by some observers as reflecting the Kazakh president’s standing and the level of engagement between the two leaders. Political analyst Daniyar Ashimbayev pointed to what he described as a convergence in messaging between the two presidents. “Opening the forum, President Erdoğan stated that ‘the world is experiencing a crisis of direction alongside a crisis of order.’ He noted that ‘mechanisms designed to protect human rights and international security remain ineffective and often inactive in the face of serious violations.’ Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, judging by his speech, sought, drawing on his experience and position, to respond to the concerns expressed by the Turkish and other leaders,” Ashimbayev said. Another Kazakh political analyst, Andrey Chebotarev, highlighted the broader diplomatic context, noting that Erdoğan is expected to pay a state visit to Kazakhstan on May 14. “In addition to bilateral cooperation, this visit is linked to the upcoming informal summit of the Organization of Turkic States in the city of Turkestan. It is worth recalling that following the previous informal OTS summit, held online on March 31, 2021, Turkestan was officially recognized as the spiritual capital of the Turkic world. Holding a similar summit in person is intended to underscore both the city’s significance and Kazakhstan’s role within the Turkic community,” Chebotarev said. Analyzing Tokayev’s remarks, Chebotarev also pointed to what he described as a consolidation of Kazakhstan’s position on the situation in the Middle East, particularly in the context of tensions involving the United States, Israel, and Iran. “Astana had previously signaled its distancing from all parties to the conflict, while expressing solidarity with the Arab states of the Persian Gulf, which, despite not being direct participants, were affected by strikes linked to the broader confrontation. In this context, the Kazakh president’s call for restraint and a cessation of hostilities is not merely an expression of neutrality but reflects the position of an active international actor seeking a diplomatic resolution,” he said. One of the central elements of Tokayev’s speech was his assessment of developments surrounding Iran. He called for greater awareness of global dynamics and emphasized the need to address root causes. “The core issue is the proliferation of nuclear technologies and nuclear weapons. This must be...

4 days ago

Hungary’s Political Shift Puts Central Asia Partnerships Under Scrutiny

Hungary’s political transition following the defeat of Viktor Orbán’s party and his resignation as prime minister is drawing attention not only in the EU and the United States, but also in Central Asia, where Budapest has built growing energy and investment ties. The key question is whether the policy of cooperation with Central Asia developed under Orbán will continue under the new leadership. In recent years, under Orbán, Budapest has actively developed its Central Asian foreign policy, primarily driven by the desire to find alternatives to Russian energy supplies. That push reflects Hungary’s long-standing reliance on Russian oil and gas, which has shaped its search for alternative suppliers beyond Europe. Resource-rich Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan became natural partners for diplomatic engagement. Orbán succeeded in building trust-based relationships with the presidents of the Central Asian republics, grounded in what Hungary’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Péter Szijjártó, described as “sincere friendship” in an interview with Uzbek media. “In Hungary, we have always viewed Central Asia as one of the fastest-growing regions in the world, with enormous potential. Our efforts to build these relations did not begin today, but decades ago,” he said. Hungary became the first Central European country to sign a strategic partnership with Kazakhstan in 2014. Currently, the Kazakhstan-Hungary Business Council is in operation, along with a joint agricultural direct investment fund. In 2024, bilateral trade approached $200 million, and from January to August 2025, it grew by another 22.1%, exceeding $164.6 million. Hungarian investments in Kazakhstan’s economy have surpassed $370 million, while the current investment portfolio includes 16 projects worth about $700 million in engineering, agriculture, and logistics. These links also intersect with wider efforts to expand east–west transport routes through the Caspian region, offering Hungary indirect access to Central Asian energy and trade flows. In May 2025, Uzbekistan’s President Shavkat Mirziyoyev held talks with Orbán in Budapest, where both sides highlighted rising trade volumes and a joint investment portfolio of about $500 million. Hungary’s OTP Bank entered into Uzbekistan’s financial market in 2023, acquiring a 73.71% stake in Ipoteka Bank, becoming its principal owner and the majority shareholder of the country’s fifth-largest bank. As early as 2019, Hungary had intensified cooperation with Turkmenistan. After talks at the Turkmen Foreign Ministry, Szijjártó told the media that Hungary views Turkmenistan as an important country from the perspective of European security. “We very much hope that Turkmenistan’s gas resources will be integrated into the overall energy flow of Central Europe,” he said. However, uncertainty remains over whether this policy direction will continue under Orbán’s successor, Péter Magyar. Oil and gas analyst Oleg Chervinsky has suggested that political changes in Hungary could affect cooperation with Kazakhstan’s national company KazMunayGas (KMG). Chervinsky notes that, having secured a constitutional majority in parliament, Magyar has a mandate to “implement reforms in both foreign and domestic policy [which could] reshape the constitutional structure of the right-wing populist authoritarian system built around Orbán.” The analyst points to Hungary’s oil and gas company MOL Group, which in recent...

1 week ago

The Astana-Tashkent Tandem: A Developing Partnership Based on Mutual Interest

On April 11, Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev paid a working visit to Uzbekistan, where he was hosted in Bukhara by President Shavkat Mirziyoyev. The historic city provided the setting for discussions that increasingly reflect a broader regional agenda. A second informal meeting in just over a year suggests this format may be gaining weight in relations between Central Asia’s two largest economies. “The informal format is of strategic importance, since such meetings make it possible to discuss sensitive issues without protocol constraints, build personal trust between leaders, which plays a key role in Central Asia, and align positions ahead of official negotiations,” said Uzbek political analyst Ravshan Nazarov. He added that such meetings reflect a growing intra-regional focus, reduced dependence on external actors, and the strengthening of the “Tashkent-Astana” tandem. During the talks, Tokayev emphasized the importance of the visit “given the current unstable geopolitical situation.” The two sides reviewed bilateral cooperation across multiple sectors. Trade turnover reached $5 billion last year, with both countries aiming to double this figure to $10 billion in the near term. Joint projects are already underway in automotive manufacturing, infrastructure, logistics, electrical engineering, and construction materials. The discussion also extended to other sectors, including energy and industrial cooperation. Both Presidents stressed the need to modernize border infrastructure, eliminate bottlenecks, and develop efficient transport corridors to external markets. They also discussed accelerating major regional projects, including the construction of the Kambarata hydropower plant and advancing “green” energy exports. Tokayev also voiced his support for Uzbekistan’s “Clean Air” initiative, highlighting environmental challenges in Almaty. “I share your concern regarding the environmental condition of Tashkent. We have a very difficult situation in Almaty. Unfortunately, Almaty has entered the list of the most polluted major cities in the world, and urgent measures must be taken. Therefore, we could propose the joint implementation of the ‘Clean Air’ initiative under presidential patronage,” Tokayev said. The reference to Almaty also recalled the setting of the previous informal meeting on March 29, 2025. During that visit, Mirziyoyev toured the Medeu high-mountain sports complex and visited the National Museum of Arts, where an exhibition featuring works by Abilkhan Kasteev and Ural Tansykbayev was organized. That visit drew attention to the city’s preparedness for high-level events. Tokayev subsequently instructed then-Mayor of Almaty, Yerbolat Dossayev, to improve conditions in the city and report regularly on progress. In May 2025, Dossayev was dismissed as mayor and reassigned to the Presidential Administration. He was later also relieved of that post. In contrast, the Bukhara program was more extensive. Mirziyoyev presented industrial and technological projects, including a cotton-textile cluster, an artificial intelligence hackathon, and several cultural landmarks, including the mausoleum of Bahauddin Naqshbandi, founder of the Naqshbandi Sufi order. The discussions themselves also appeared more substantive, covering areas such as rare earth metals, transport, energy, and information technology. “When discussions include not only trade but also rare earths, transport, energy, and IT, it indicates a shift toward strategic thinking. The focus is no longer just on trade turnover,...

2 weeks ago

Moldova Moves to Leave CIS as Post-Soviet Bloc Loses Another Member

Moldova’s parliament approved, in final reading on April 2, the country’s withdrawal from the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), with 60 deputies voting in favor. President Maia Sandu then promulgated the denunciation decrees, which were published in the Official Journal on April 8 and entered into force, with the Foreign Ministry set to notify the CIS. If Moldova’s withdrawal takes full legal effect after notification and the relevant notice period, eight CIS member states would remain: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan. The CIS was created immediately after the collapse of the Soviet Union as a framework to manage the breakup and maintain post-Soviet cooperation among former republics. Moldova’s denunciation concerns a structure originally formed by 11 former Soviet states, not all 15 Soviet republics. Moldova’s exit further weakens the CIS politically, though the bloc will continue to exist if the remaining member states stay in place. Moldova has already approved the denunciation of the 1991 Agreement on the Establishment of the CIS, the related Protocol, and the 1993 CIS Statute. The Moldovan authorities say the CIS’s core values and principles are no longer being respected, especially the recognition of territorial integrity and the inviolability of borders. They cite Russia’s war against Ukraine, acts of aggression against Georgia, and the illegal military presence of Russian troops on Moldovan territory. Chisinau says the move is consistent with Moldova’s European path, while the European Union remains its main economic partner. Economic ties with the Commonwealth have significantly declined: in 2025, CIS countries accounted for 5.9% of Moldova’s exports, while the European Union accounted for 67.5%. Moldova’s final withdrawal from the CIS may not, therefore, come as a surprise to its other members. On January 19, Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Mihai Popșoi announced the start of the process to denounce the three core CIS agreements underpinning Moldova’s membership. “We are already in the process of getting approvals for the denunciation of three agreements with the CIS. They are the agreements that form the basis of our affiliation to the CIS, namely: the CIS Statute, the CIS Founding Agreement, and the Annex to this agreement,” Popșoi said. He added that this would mean Moldova was no longer a CIS member legally, while participation had already been suspended de facto. Moldova set a course toward breaking its remaining ties with its Soviet past after the 2020 presidential elections, when new president, Maia Sandu, announced a path toward EU integration and refused to participate in CIS summits. Moldova has spent the past several years unwinding CIS-linked agreements. As of January 2026, Moldovan officials said the country had signed 283 CIS agreements, of which 71 had already been rescinded, and about 60 more were in process. On December 12, 2025, Moldova’s parliament approved the denunciation of the 1992 Bishkek agreement on visa-free travel for CIS citizens. For Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and several other states, visa-free travel with Moldova remains in place under bilateral agreements. Moldovan authorities said the denunciation of the Bishkek agreement would affect...

2 weeks ago

Kyrgyzstan Faces Elite Realignment as Tashiyev Network Comes Under Pressure

In the last week, political tensions in Kyrgyzstan have risen following the arrest of Shairbek Tashiyev, the brother of Kamchybek Tashiyev, the former head of the State Committee for National Security (GKNB). Shairbek, a former member of the Jogorku Kenesh, Kyrgyzstan’s parliament, was detained on April 1 following questioning at the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The case unfolds against the backdrop of a widening rift between President Sadyr Japarov and his once long-time ally Tashiyev, who played a key role in helping Japarov consolidate power following the political upheaval of October 2020. After coming to power, President Japarov and Tashiyev built one of the most consolidated political tandems in Kyrgyzstan’s post-Soviet history, concentrating authority across the presidency, parliament, and security structures. In February, Tashiyev was removed from his position, followed by what observers described as a broader sidelining of his allies within security structures and parliament. This fueled speculation about a breakdown in the political partnership that had underpinned relative stability in recent years. Shairbek Tashiyev is now a central suspect in a corruption investigation involving the state-owned company Kyrgyzneftegaz. The Ministry of Internal Affairs announced the criminal case on March 17, following materials released by the State Tax Service alleging financial misconduct within the company. According to investigators, former executives of Kyrgyzneftegaz and affiliated private entities were detained shortly after the case was opened. A criminal case was initiated under Article 336 of the Criminal Code, alleging “Corruption.” Among those detained was former National Bank head Melis Turgunbayev, whose pretrial detention was later changed to house arrest by a court in Bishkek. It later emerged that another of those initially detained was Baigazy Matisakov, identified as a nephew of Kamchybek Tashiyev. He was subsequently released after reportedly reaching an agreement with investigators. On April 2, a court ordered Shairbek Tashiyev to remain in custody until May 16, 2026. His lawyer stated that he denies the charges and considers them unfounded. The investigation, led by the State Tax Service and the Ministry of Internal Affairs, covers Kyrgyzneftegaz’s operations from 2021 to 2025. Authorities allege total financial violations amounting to 4.1 billion soms (approximately $46.5 million), including lost profits and unpaid taxes. Investigators have outlined three main alleged schemes that they are continuing to investigate. The first involved intermediary companies allegedly linked to individuals close to the Tashiyev family, which resold oil to the Kyrgyz Petroleum Company refinery. The second involved the write-off of raw materials, with around 20,000 tons of oil reportedly classified as “technological losses” beyond established norms. The third concerned preferential sales, with diesel and fuel oil allegedly sold at below-market prices to favored companies. The case is being watched closely in Kyrgyzstan, where elite reshuffles have historically signaled broader political realignments rather than isolated legal actions. It remains unclear whether the investigation will expand further and implicate additional individuals connected to Tashiyev or what the potential impact could be on the broader political environment within the country. 

2 weeks ago