Our People > Stephen M. Bland

Stephen M. Bland

Managing Editor and Head of Investigations

Stephen M. Bland is a journalist, author, editor, commentator, and researcher specializing in Central Asia and the Caucasus. Prior to joining The Times of Central Asia, he worked for NGOs, think tanks, as the Central Asia expert on a forthcoming documentary series, for the BBC, The Diplomat, EurasiaNet, and numerous other publications.

His award-winning book on Central Asia was published in 2016, and he is currently putting the finishing touches to a book about the Caucasus.

Articles

Digital Development

How Uzbekistan Plans to Lead Central Asia’s Digital Future – An Interview With the Minister of Digital Technologies

Uzbekistan’s ambitions to position itself as Central Asia’s digital powerhouse took center stage during ICT Week Uzbekistan 2025 this September - the country’s largest-ever technology forum, drawing more than 20 official delegations, 300 companies, and 20,000 participants from over 50 countries. With artificial intelligence and future technologies at its core, the event showcased how Tashkent aims to turn international partnerships into lasting investment, innovation, and talent pipelines. At the forefront of these efforts stands Sherzod Shermatov, Minister of Digital Technologies, who has overseen landmark initiatives extending IT Park incentives until 2040, launching the IT Visa for foreign specialists, and embedding AI education across Uzbekistan’s schools and universities. The Times of Central Asia spoke to Minister Shermatov to discuss how Uzbekistan plans to sustain investor confidence beyond ICT Week, prepare its workforce for an AI-driven economy, and balance rapid digitalization with data protection and national sovereignty. [caption id="attachment_37995" align="aligncenter" width="1280"] ICT Week 2025; image: The Ministry of Digital Technologies of the Republic of Uzbekistan[/caption] TCA: Uzbekistan showcased itself as a regional IT hub during ICT Week. What concrete steps will the Ministry take to ensure foreign investors and global tech firms remain engaged in Uzbekistan? Shermatov: In order to comprehensively stimulate and develop the activities of foreign investors and global technology companies in the Republic of Uzbekistan, a number of key preferences for IT Park residents have already been implemented. The Government of Uzbekistan has extended and reinforced the system of benefits and guarantees for foreign investors and IT Park residents, ensuring long-term stability and predictability of the investment climate. Among these measures, IT Park tax incentives have been officially extended until 2040, offering exemption from a range of taxes, a simplified foreign currency regime, and a 5% dividend tax for non-residents, provided that more than 50% of their revenue is generated from export activities. These reforms provide a reliable and attractive environment for both established global players and emerging startups. To further strengthen the country’s position as a regional digital hub, the Government has also introduced the IT Visa - a three-year visa designed for founders, investors, and foreign specialists of IT Park resident companies. The IT Visa facilitates simplified entry, residence, and employment procedures for international professionals and their family members, making Uzbekistan one of the most open and accessible markets for global technology talent. In parallel, a “One Stop Shop” service has been launched to streamline administrative procedures. It provides fast-track company registration, bank account opening, and work and residency permits, enabling investors and foreign specialists to begin operations in Uzbekistan with unprecedented efficiency. At the same time, the Ministry continues to expand cooperation between global technology partners and the national innovation ecosystem under the “ZERO Risk” and “Local to Global” mechanisms, as stated in the relevant decrees of the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan. These instruments create a foundation for long-term growth, stimulate venture financing, and support the international scaling of Uzbek startups. Also, comprehensive programs are being implemented to train highly qualified IT specialists to...

6 months ago

State Visit

Aliyev, Tokayev Pledge Deeper Cooperation as Azerbaijan Lifts Armenia Transit Ban

Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev began a state visit to Kazakhstan on Monday with a series of high-level meetings and a significant policy shift: Baku is lifting all restrictions on the transit of goods to Armenia. The move, announced during joint talks with Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev in Astana, is one of the most concrete regional gestures since the end of the Second Karabakh War. The visit began with an official welcoming ceremony at Akorda Presidential Palace in Astana, where Presidents Kassym-Jomart Tokayev and Ilham Aliyev reviewed an honor guard before holding bilateral talks and chairing the second meeting of the Kazakhstan–Azerbaijan Supreme Intergovernmental Council. Speaking at a joint press briefing after the meeting, Aliyev confirmed that, “All restrictions on the transit of goods from Azerbaijan to Armenia and from third countries to Armenia through Azerbaijan have been lifted.” While no formal agreement was signed on Monday, the announcement is being viewed as a confidence-building measure at a moment of cautious diplomacy in the South Caucasus. Tokayev welcomed the development and stressed the importance of expanding cooperation between Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan in key sectors such as transport and energy. Ties on a Strategic Track Aliyev’s visit comes as Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan are expanding cooperation in multiple areas, including rail, ports, digital infrastructure, and energy. Monday’s talks produced several new accords and project announcements, including commitments to expand freight flows along the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route (Middle Corridor) - a logistics network connecting China to Europe via Central Asia, the Caspian Sea, and the South Caucasus. Since Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine upended established overland trade routes, the corridor’s importance has surged, with Astana and Baku positioning themselves as key actors in a reconfigured Eurasian logistics network that bypasses Russian territory. In his welcoming address, Tokayev framed Aliyev’s state visit as of “critically important significance for the further development of our strategic partnership.” Tokayev described the relationship as “allied in nature,” calling Azerbaijan “a regional power that has strengthened its authority on the international stage.” He emphasized that developing multifaceted cooperation “remains a priority” and highlighted trade, economic, and political partnership as key goals. “Azerbaijan is a special country for Kazakhstan, a fraternal state,” Tokayev stated. “We are united by common historical roots, a rich spiritual and cultural heritage, and, ultimately, a shared mentality and outlook on developments. On this unshakable foundation, we are successfully developing our multifaceted cooperation.” Aliyev, in turn, praised Kazakhstan’s ongoing political and economic reforms, saying his country “fully supports [Tokayev’s] course of modernization” and is aiming to “strengthen cooperation in all areas” In a related development, Azerbaijan’s state energy firm SOCAR and Kazakhstan’s sovereign wealth fund Samruk-Kazyna are expected to deepen their collaboration in upstream energy projects and petrochemical exports, though no new energy deals were signed on Monday. Transit Opening to Armenia: Why Now? Aliyev’s announcement on transit restrictions - made in Astana, not Baku - was notable not just for its content, but its timing and setting. Since the end of the 2020 Second Karabakh...

6 months ago

Economic Growth

Uzbekistan Emerges as One of Europe and Central Asia’s Fastest-Growing Economies

Uzbekistan is on track to be one of the five fastest-growing economies in the broader Europe and Central Asia region next year, according to the World Bank’s Europe and Central Asia Economic Update, Fall 2025. The report projects Uzbekistan’s gross domestic product will expand by about 6.2% in 2025 - well above the regional average amid an overall slowdown across emerging European and Central Asian markets. Overall regional GDP growth is expected to ease to roughly 2.4% in 2025, down from 3.7% in 2024, as weaker output in Russia drags on the aggregate. Central Asia as a whole continues to stand out. The World Bank notes that countries in the region are collectively growing around 5.9% - making it the fastest-growing part of Europe and Central Asia for the third straight year. Within that group, Tajikistan is also forecast to grow by 7%, Kyrgyzstan by 6.8%, and Kazakhstan by 5.5%. That performance keeps much of Central Asia well ahead of Europe’s advanced economies, which are expected to grow by just over 1% on average. Turkmenistan is excluded from the World Bank’s regional calculations because it does not publish internationally comparable economic data. For Uzbekistan, in particular, inclusion among the region’s top performers marks a sharp turnaround for a country that, less than a decade ago, was largely closed to global markets. By way of comparison, according to the World Bank, Uzbekistan’s economy is about eight times larger than Kyrgyzstan’s and roughly seven times larger than Tajikistan’s. In 2024, Uzbekistan’s gross domestic product was roughly $105 billion, compared with approximately $14 billion for Kyrgyzstan and $15 billion for Tajikistan. Remittances and Investment Fuel Expansion Rising income from abroad and expanding investment at home due to an increasingly investor-friendly climate are the twin engines of Uzbekistan’s boom. The World Bank attributes its upgraded forecast partly to stronger-than-expected remittances and higher capital spending. In the first half of 2025, remittances sent home by Uzbek workers - mainly from Russia, Turkey, and South Korea - jumped 27% year-on-year to reach around $8.2 billion, providing a surge in household consumption. At the same time, both public and private investment are climbing. Government spending on infrastructure and industrial projects remains high, and foreign capital is flowing in at record levels. According to Uzbekistan’s Ministry of Investment, Industry and Trade, foreign direct investment reached about $10 billion in 2024, the highest on record. Projects span energy, agriculture, and information technology, with investors from South Korea, China, the Gulf states, and Europe among the most active. The International Monetary Fund’s 2024 Article IV Consultation observed that “robust investment and resilient consumption” have kept growth well above the overall regional average. Reforms Since 2016 Have Laid the Groundwork This acceleration did not happen by chance. Since President Shavkat Mirziyoyev came to power in 2016, Uzbekistan has pursued a series of market-oriented reforms to dismantle decades of economic isolation and stagnation. The government unified the exchange rate, lifted currency restrictions, and simplified customs and tax rules. It began privatizing state...

6 months ago

TCA Interviews

From Belt and Road to Backlash: Edward Lemon and Bradley Jardine Discuss China in Central Asia

As China invests billions in Central Asian oilfields, railways, and cities, the region’s response is anything but passive. In Backlash: China’s Struggle for Influence in Central Asia, Bradley Jardine and Edward Lemon document how Central Asians – from government halls to village streets – are responding to Beijing’s expanding footprint. The book provides a nuanced look at China’s engagement in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan over the three decades since these nations gained independence. Drawing on more than a decade of fieldwork, Jardine and Lemon ask a timely question: can Beijing maintain its growing influence in an environment where local voices and interests are increasingly assertive? The Times of Central Asia spoke with the authors. TCA: Central Asia has become an increasingly strategic crossroads, rich in resources, young in demographics, and positioned between major powers. Yet China’s engagement appears far more ambitious than that of Western or regional players. In your view, what accounts for this asymmetry? Is it primarily a matter of geography and financial capacity, or has China been more politically and diplomatically attuned to Central Asia’s priorities than others? J/L: China’s dominance in Central Asia stems from both geography and political attunement. As we note in Backlash, Beijing views the region as an extension of its own security frontier, as both a buffer protecting Xinjiang and a potential source of terrorism. It has built deep ties through consistent, elite-level engagement since the 1990s. Its approach blends vast financial capacity with political instincts that resonate with local elites: prioritizing sovereignty, stability, and non-interference rather than the governance conditionalities that often accompany Western aid and investment. Through the Belt and Road Initiative, which was launched in the region in 2013, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, which was established in 2001 with four Central Asian republics as founding members, and newer platforms like the China-Central Asia (C+C5) summit, China offers infrastructure, energy investment, and regime security in ways tailored to the needs of authoritarian partners. Unlike the episodic or values-driven engagement of Western actors, and with Russia’s attention increasingly divided, China’s steady, pragmatic diplomacy, backed by proximity and resources, has allowed it to entrench itself as the region’s indispensable power. TCA: China’s expanding presence across trade, infrastructure, and finance has reshaped Central Asia’s economic landscape. To what extent do these investments remain primarily commercial, and when do they start to carry political or strategic implications? How do local governments manage the risks of dependency or debt while pursuing development gains? J/L: China’s expanding economic footprint in Central Asia may be driven by trade and infrastructure, but the lines between commerce and strategy have become increasingly blurred. As we note in Backlash, Beijing’s investments, roads, pipelines, railways, and energy grids are rarely purely commercial. They create structural dependencies that bind Central Asian economies to China’s markets, finance, and technology. By 2020, roughly 45% of Kyrgyzstan’s external debt and more than half of Tajikistan’s were owed to China, while around 75% of Turkmenistan’s exports flowed to Chinese buyers. These imbalances give Beijing...

6 months ago

Central Asia-Russia Summit

Russia–Central Asia Summit in Dushanbe Tests Putin’s Grip

Russian President Vladimir Putin arrived in Tajikistan on October 8 for a three-day state visit that includes a Russia–Central Asia summit in Dushanbe, and a larger Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) meeting. His arrival comes at a time of geopolitical flux in Central Asia, with Russia seeking to reaffirm its waning influence amid migration tensions, economic pressures, and security challenges on its southern flank. The Visit and Summit: What Has Happened So Far Putin was greeted at Dushanbe airport by Tajik President Emomali Rahmon, who has governed the country since 1992. Upon his arrival, the two leaders conducted a private meeting and later presided over expanded talks with their delegations. In his opening remarks, Putin told Rahmon that Russia and Tajikistan are “reliable allies” and pledged that Moscow would fulfil its obligations to Dushanbe, particularly in terms of security. In the first seven months of 2025, bilateral trade rose by more than 17%, a figure Putin cited to underscore that relations are developing “very positively.” Following the meeting, the two leaders signed a joint statement on “deepening the strategic partnership and alliance” between their countries. Alongside Rahmon, on October 9, Putin met with the presidents of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan as part of the Russia–Central Asia summit. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, the summit agenda includes cooperation in trade, transport, energy, security, migration, and environmental policy. A concluding communiqué is expected to lay out joint priorities for 2025–2027 in these fields. Following the Russia–Central Asia gathering, a broader CIS head-of-state meeting is scheduled for October 10. Alongside Russia and the Central Asian states, representatives from Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Belarus will also attend. Draft agendas suggest the adoption of a military-cooperation concept through 2030, counterterrorism and border security strategies, efforts to fight transnational crime, and discussions on a “CIS Plus” format that would allow third-party countries and international organizations to participate in selected CIS events. Russia’s Defense Minister Andrei Belousov held talks in Dushanbe with his Tajik counterparts on October 8, stating that “cooperation between our two military institutions” is key to regional stability. Tajikistan hosts Russia’s largest foreign military base and shares a long, porous border with Afghanistan, which makes the security relationship central to both sides’ calculus. Historical and Geopolitical Context Russia has long viewed Central Asia as its strategic backyard, but since 2022, its dominance has been challenged. Sanctions on Russia due to the war in Ukraine have constrained its economic leverage, while China has expanded its presence via Belt and Road investments. At the same time, the European Union has elevated its engagement with Central Asian states through trade, infrastructure funding, and diplomatic outreach. Central Asian governments have shown increasing boldness in balancing their relations between Moscow, Beijing, and the West. None of the Central Asian governments has openly backed Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Surveys in Kazakhstan show that only 15% of respondents explicitly support Russia, while a larger share leans toward Ukraine or nonalignment. Kazakhstan has refused to recognize the...

6 months ago