Diplomacy - The Times Of Central Asia

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Visa

The Silk Visa Deadlock: The Long Road to a Borderless Central Asia

The year 2025 will likely be remembered as a milestone in Central Asian diplomacy. Regional leaders signed landmark agreements on water and energy cooperation and launched major investment projects. At high-level meetings, Central Asian presidents emphasized a new phase of deeper cooperation and greater unity, highlighting strategic partnership and shared development goals. But at ground level, at border crossings such as Korday between Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, or the congested diversion routes replacing the closed Zhibek Zholy checkpoint, the picture is far less seamless. Long queues, heightened scrutiny, and bureaucratic delays remain the norm. While political rhetoric celebrates unity, the reality on the ground tells a different story. The region’s physical borders remain tightly controlled. A key symbol of unrealized integration is the stalled “Silk Visa” project, a proposed Central Asian version of the Schengen visa that would allow tourists to travel freely across the region. The project has made little headway, with experts suggesting that, beyond technical issues, deeper concerns, including economic disparities and security sensitivities, have played a role. Silk Visa: A Stalled Vision Launched in 2018 by Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, the Silk Visa was envisioned as a game-changer for regional tourism and mobility. Under the scheme, tourists with a visa to one participating country could move freely across Central Asia, from Almaty to Samarkand and Bishkek. Seven years on, the project has yet to materialize. Official explanations point to the difficulty of integrating databases on “undesirable persons.” But as Uzbekistan’s Deputy Prime Minister acknowledged earlier this year, the delay stems from the need to harmonize security services and create a unified system. Experts also cite diverging visa policies and resistance from national security agencies unwilling to share sensitive data. As long as each country insists on determining independently whom to admit or blacklist, the Silk Visa will remain more aspiration than policy. Economic Imbalance: The Silent Barrier The most significant, albeit rarely acknowledged, hurdle to regional openness is economic inequality. Kazakhstan’s GDP per capita, at over $14,000, is significantly higher than that of Uzbekistan or Kyrgyzstan, which hover around $2,500-3,000. This disparity feeds fears in Astana that full border liberalization would trigger a wave of low-skilled labor migration, putting strain on Kazakhstan’s urban infrastructure and labor market. While Kazakhstan is eager to export goods, services, and capital across Central Asia, it remains reluctant to import unemployment or social tension. Migration pressure is already high: according to Uzbekistan’s Migration Agency, the number of Uzbek workers in Kazakhstan reached 322,700 in early 2025. Removing border controls entirely could exacerbate this trend, overwhelming already stretched public services. Security Concerns and Regional Tensions The geopolitical landscape further complicates the dream of borderless travel. A truly open regional system would require a strong, unified external border, something unattainable given Afghanistan’s proximity. The persistent threats of drug trafficking and extremist infiltration compel Uzbekistan and Tajikistan to maintain tight border controls. Kazakhstan, while geographically removed, remains cautious about loosening controls along its southern frontier. Moreover, despite recent agreements on delimiting the Kyrgyz–Tajik border, tensions in...

Peace Talks

Opinion: After the UN Gaza Resolution – Kazakhstan’s Potential Role

The implementation of any new approaches aimed at a rapid, peaceful resolution of the Middle East conflict, including the latest UN Security Council resolution, which authorizes the deployment of International Stabilization Forces (ISF), shows that the international community is once again reaching the limits of tools that rely solely on security measures, temporary control, and external administration. Even the most carefully calibrated political or administrative frameworks cannot produce sustainable results unless the ideological nature of the conflict, including its spiritual, historical, and value-based foundations, is changed. It is increasingly clear today that peace in the Holy Land requires not only diplomatic and humanitarian efforts, but also a deep dialogue between the religious and civilizational traditions of the region. In this context, the experience of Kazakhstan, which initiated the creation of a unique collective mechanism for religious reconciliation, deserves particular attention. After lengthy discussions, the UN Security Council approved the U.S.-proposed resolution to form an international stabilization force in Gaza. That means authorizing external actors - for the first time through a UN-mandated transitional authority - to participate in Gaza’s administrative and security arrangements. Thirteen countries supported the resolution, with only Russia and China abstaining. This step creates a new legal reality: the international community now holds a formal mandate to support Gaza’s security, humanitarian access, and reconstruction. Yet the resolution raises another question: will this become the foundation for lasting peace, or merely another temporary structure that keeps the situation under control without changing its essence? The U.S.-Israeli planning model - widely discussed in reporting - proposing dividing Gaza into "green" and "red" zones, reflects an approach in which security replaces reconciliation. Historical cases, such as Bosnia and Lebanon, suggest to many analysts that such strategies rarely lead to sustainable stability. Territorial divisions, from Bosnia to Lebanon, tend to freeze conflicts rather than resolve them. The Palestinian enclave risks becoming an example of a “permanent transitional zone,” where military stability exists without political resolution or trust. In the future, a divided Gaza could face humanitarian collapse, intensified radicalization, and deep fractures in how the Islamic world perceives the West, especially if European troops are deployed. All this underscores a key point: without addressing the ideological and religious dimensions of the conflict - as many experts argue - territorial schemes remain temporary. The conflict in the Holy Land cannot be resolved solely with demarcation maps and international mandates. Breaking the deadlock requires more than another control mechanism; it requires a new architecture of reconciliation. And it must engage the roots of the conflict, including religious thinking, historical grievances, and cultural trauma, rather than its surface-level manifestations. Kazakhstan can play a unique role here. It is not just a new participant in the Abraham Accords, but a country with remarkable political, diplomatic, and spiritual legitimacy. It enjoys the trust of the Islamic world, maintains stable relations with Israel, is perceived by the West as a neutral partner, and has a successful record of coordinating great-power and regional actor efforts, such as the Astana process on...

International Diplomacy

Between Trump and Putin: Tokayev Emerges as a Regional Diplomatic Powerbroker

In a striking display of diplomatic balancing, Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev ended 2025 with a high-profile state visit to Moscow, where he and Russian President Vladimir Putin signed a declaration elevating bilateral relations to a comprehensive strategic partnership and alliance. The visit came just days after Tokayev returned from Washington, where he participated in a summit with U.S. President Donald Trump, and the September meeting with Xi Jinping in Tianjin. Back-to-back high-level diplomatic engagements have underscored Tokayev’s rising stature as a regional statesman navigating the complex geopolitical landscape between Russia and the West, representing a somewhat diplomatic ‘hat trick’ for the Kazakh leader. Kazakhstan’s multi-vector foreign policy has long sought to maintain balanced relations with Russia, China, the United States, and Europe. This approach allows Astana to position itself as a neutral and pragmatic actor even during periods of geopolitical tension, and explains why Tokayev is one of the few leaders trusted by both Washington and Moscow. Amid speculation in global media about Kazakhstan’s accession to the Abraham Accords, Tokayev’s stop in Moscow has drawn attention not only for its symbolism but also for its possible behind-the-scenes diplomacy. Kazakhstan’s agreement to sign the Abraham Accords has generated considerable discussion within diplomatic circles. For Washington, Astana’s endorsement signals alignment with U.S. regional objectives in the Middle East, while for Russia, it raised questions about Kazakhstan’s strategic leanings, making Tokayev’s immediate trip to Moscow particularly important. No Central Asian state had previously moved to formally support a U.S.-brokered Middle Eastern diplomatic framework, making Kazakhstan’s position especially noteworthy. A Private Conversation at the Kremlin Russian political analyst Arkady Dubnov highlighted the significance of an informal, private meeting between Tokayev and Putin ahead of their official talks. “The presidents exchanged brief greetings, and then Putin invited his guest to his Kremlin apartment for a private conversation,” Dubnov noted. Tokayev later confirmed that the tête-à-tête lasted over two-and-a-half hours. Dubnov suggested that such discretion may point to confidential messages being relayed. He cited recent remarks by Finnish President Alexander Stubb, who visited Astana shortly before Tokayev’s Washington trip. Stubb reportedly said that Tokayev could serve as a conduit for communication between Trump and the Kremlin. Before this, only Chinese President Xi Jinping had been granted such extended privacy with Putin, Dubnov emphasized. Tokayev is one of the few leaders who has maintained uninterrupted working relationships with both Western capitals and Moscow throughout recent years. His neutral stance on the Ukraine conflict, refusal to recognize breakaway territories, and active participation in U.S.-backed initiatives - combined with Kazakhstan’s deep economic and security links with Russia - place Tokayev in a uniquely credible position. Neither side views him as fully aligned with the other, which increases his utility as a channel for sensitive political messaging. Kazakhstan as a Strategic Messenger? Kazakh political analyst Andrei Chebotarev also underscored the potential geopolitical significance of the Tokayev-Putin meeting. “Most likely, the Russian president was interested in the details of his Kazakh counterpart's recent visit to the U.S. and his talks with...

State Visit

Tokayev in Moscow: Balancing Friendship and Strategy

Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev begins a state visit to Russia in Moscow today, accompanied by a carefully calibrated message of diplomatic continuity. Ahead of his arrival, Tokayev published an article in Rossiyskaya Gazeta affirming Kazakhstan’s “eternal friendship” with Russia, a phrase that has become standard in bilateral rhetoric. While much of the piece reiterates familiar themes of cooperation in energy, trade, and culture, a few notable elements suggest deeper strategic positioning. From the outset, Tokayev appeared intent on striking a personal chord with Vladimir Putin. Mirroring the Russian president’s preference for historical framing, he wrote: “Our peoples have lived side by side for centuries, sharing joys and trials, and together creating a single cultural space in Eurasia. We are united by a common perception of traditional values, similar views on current issues of modern life, and joint work to ensure the well-being of our brotherly peoples.” The Kazakh leader also offered high praise for Putin’s leadership, describing bilateral ties as “mature and stable” and built on “deep trust, respect, and equality.” “All achievements in bilateral cooperation are inextricably linked to the energetic and productive efforts of President Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin,” Tokayev wrote. “In Kazakhstan, he enjoys unwavering respect as a statesman of global stature, and his name is on the lips of politicians and ordinary people in virtually every country in the world.” The visit’s key moment will be the signing of a Declaration elevating Kazakhstan-Russia ties to a “comprehensive strategic partnership and alliance”, a step Tokayev described as ushering in “a new era in bilateral relations.” More intriguing, however, was Tokayev’s commentary on Russia’s global standing, wherein Tokayev referenced recent high-level talks with Chinese President Xi Jinping, U.S. President Donald Trump, and leaders across Europe, Asia, and Africa. “Although many of them are at opposite ends of the geopolitical spectrum, they all recognize the exceptional role of Russia and its leader in resolving key issues in international relations. In other words, it is impossible to overcome the contradictions of the modern world without Moscow's participation,” he stated. While Tokayev has previously dismissed the idea of Kazakhstan acting as a mediator in the Russia-Ukraine conflict, his recent statements suggest Astana may be prepared to play a supporting role in future dialogue. “Kazakhstan is not a mediator in the military conflict between Russia and Ukraine and does not see itself as such,” he said last month. “In my opinion, both sides are capable of conducting dialogue on all contentious issues on a bilateral basis and at different levels. I have always believed and publicly stated that the ‘Ukrainian crisis’ is extremely complex and cannot be simplified.” Nonetheless, Tokayev offered practical insights into what a negotiation process would require, stressing the importance of expert-level preparation and dismissing the idea of hastily organized summits without a ceasefire or clear agenda as “unrealistic.” “If the leaders of Russia and Ukraine are willing to come to Kazakhstan, we will provide all the necessary services to ensure the success of the negotiations,” Tokayev added. He reaffirmed...

Diplomacy

Uzbekistan Introduces Visa-Free Travel for U.S. Citizens Starting January 2026

Uzbekistan will implement a visa-free regime for U.S. citizens beginning January 1, 2026, according to a presidential decree signed on November 3, 2025. The announcement was reported by UzA, the country’s official state news agency. Under the new policy, American citizens will be permitted to stay in Uzbekistan for up to 30 days without a visa from the date of entry. The measure aims to strengthen trade, economic, cultural, and humanitarian ties between the two countries, while also enhancing tourism. Since 2021, Uzbekistan has allowed visa-free entry for tourists aged 55 and older from the United States and several other nations, with a maximum stay of 30 days, according to Kun.uz. The expansion of this policy to include all U.S. citizens marks a major step in promoting bilateral travel and business engagement. The proposal to lift visa requirements for U.S. nationals was first introduced in May 2025 through a presidential decree focused on boosting foreign tourist inflows. The same document instructed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to initiate negotiations with Washington on easing visa conditions for Uzbek citizens traveling to the United States. In a related development, the Uzbek government recently extended visa-free entry to citizens of six more countries, Bahrain, Qatar, Kuwait, Oman, Saudi Arabia, and Jordan, following a Cabinet of Ministers decision issued on October 21.

Regional Cooperation

How the Ferghana Valley Might Become Central Asia’s Laboratory of Peace

On October 15-16, in the heart of the Ferghana valley, which for decades has been associated with border conflicts, mistrust, and unresolved issues, the heads of Ferghana (Uzbekistan), Batken (Kyrgyzstan), and Sughd (Tajikistan) gathered to discuss the further peaceful development of the region. The forum brought together not just officials but also experts, diplomats, civil society, and international organization representatives from Central Asia, Europe, and other regions. The first Ferghana Peace Forum, entitled “Ferghana Valley: Joining Forces for Peace and Progress”, was not simply another gathering behind closed doors but a table where everyone was offered a seat. The valley, with territory of roughly 20,000-22,000 km² shared by three countries, was one of the main routes for the ancient Silk Road. It embodies diverse cultures and fertile lands, but also, until recently, the unresolved problems and deep contradictions of Central Asia. Complex issues, including water management, border demarcation, and conflicting national narratives. People's connections were severed by visa regimes and land mines. It was, until recently, impossible to imagine today's reality where people are crossing borders without long lines or bureaucratic barriers. The Khujand Declaration, signed in early 2025 by the presidents of Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan, paved the way for the forum. The document marked a historic shift, reflecting the countries' desire for dialogue, open borders, economic cooperation, and cultural exchange. However, it remained only a vision without an implementation mechanism that would turn the declaration into sustainable interaction. The Ferghana Peace Forum promises to fill this gap by becoming the first peacebuilding platform designed specifically for the territory, and managed by the three countries themselves with support from external organisations, rather than by external intermediaries or actors. The Forum's founding communiqué defines its goal as creating a permanent platform for building trust, developing a common development strategy, attracting investment, and forming a new political climate in Central Asia. It is a rare occasion when Central Asian countries organize inclusive platforms for open discussions and the participation of civil society, academia, and business. With more than 300 participants, including officials from the UN, EU, and OSCE, as well as leading international NGOs, the forum promises to become a truly historical event. As one of the Forum participants noted, “If peace is possible in Ferghana, it is possible anywhere in Central Asia, and perhaps anywhere in the world.” Discussions were focused on the practical implementation of regional cooperation. Participants addressed issues that have long fueled tensions in the valley: border procedures, joint water management, trade facilitation, labor migration, and crisis prevention. At the same time, the platform created a space for exploring new areas of cooperation, such as digitalization, education, renewable energy, and tourism. There was a shared understanding that peace cannot be sustainable without economic opportunities and social integration. The timing of the forum could not have been better. With the flow of current geopolitical events, Central Asian countries have a narrow window of opportunity to strengthen the internal cooperation and to institutionalize it, while Russia is distracted by...