Strait of Hormuz - The Times Of Central Asia

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Afghanistan

Opinion: Hormuz Crisis Pushes Afghanistan Aid Routes Toward Central Asia

The crisis surrounding the Strait of Hormuz is usually viewed through the lens of energy security or military escalation. But it also has another, less visible, humanitarian dimension. A recent article in The Guardian, “Calls for humanitarian corridor through Strait of Hormuz as Iran war hits vital aid,” points to a critical shift: because of the conflict involving the United States, Israel, and Iran, along with instability around Hormuz, traditional humanitarian supply routes are beginning to break down. For Afghanistan, this is no longer a theoretical concern but an operational reality. According to the World Food Programme (WFP), cited by The Guardian, the cost of delivering food to Afghanistan has tripled. Cargo that previously moved by sea through Hormuz and onward to Pakistani ports must now travel overland across multiple countries, adding weeks to delivery times. The consequences are felt most acutely by vulnerable populations, particularly children. Predictability is one of the core requirements of any humanitarian system, and that predictability is now disappearing. Some shipments are stranded in regional hubs. Routes are constantly changing. Fuel costs continue to rise. Even modest increases in oil prices significantly raise operational expenses for humanitarian agencies. For Afghanistan, the implications are severe. The country has been in a prolonged food crisis for several years, with millions dependent on external aid. Delays of even one or two weeks can directly affect malnutrition and mortality rates. According to United Nations estimates, around 3.7 million Afghan children are currently suffering from wasting, nearly one million of them from severe wasting, a condition associated with sharply elevated mortality risks. UNICEF estimates that in 2026 alone, 1.304 million children aged 6-59 months will require treatment for acute malnutrition, including severe cases and other high-risk groups. Another 1.2 million pregnant and breastfeeding women are also suffering from acute malnutrition. Under these conditions, even temporary disruptions in aid deliveries become a direct threat to human life. The situation is being compounded by several overlapping factors. First, instability around the Strait of Hormuz has made maritime routes both more expensive and riskier. Second, the Pakistani corridor, previously the main overland route, has become unreliable, as repeated border closures and restrictions have tied humanitarian deliveries to the fluctuating political and security relationship between Kabul and Islamabad. Third, Iran has imposed restrictions on food exports and has itself become part of the conflict zone, undermining its role as both a supplier and transit route for Afghanistan. Together, these developments are creating what can be described as a “triple crisis” for humanitarian logistics into Afghanistan. The previous aid delivery system is effectively ceasing to function. In response, the WFP is restructuring its logistics network. One solution has been increased use of the Lapis Lazuli Corridor: Turkey-Georgia-Azerbaijan via the Caspian Sea-Turkmenistan and Afghanistan. Although this route is longer and more expensive, it offers predictability and an alternative to disrupted maritime pathways. The key issue is no longer which route is cheapest, but which is reliable. This shift places Central Asia increasingly at the center of...

Fuel prices

Fuel Prices Surge in Tajikistan Amid Middle East Conflict

Fuel prices at gas stations in Dushanbe have risen sharply since early March, increasing on average by 8-9%. The increase has been driven by domestic factors as well as adverse developments in the global energy market. The most widely used AI-92 gasoline has risen in price from $1.05 to $1.13 per liter. Diesel has followed a similar trend, increasing from $1.14 to $1.24 per liter. Prices for liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) have risen more modestly, by about 6%, to $0.62 per liter. Prices also vary by location, with drivers noting that fuel in central Dushanbe is traditionally more expensive than in outlying areas. Suppliers attribute the increases to higher prices from producers, but the situation largely depends on external supply chains. Russia remains the primary source of petroleum products for Tajikistan. In 2025, the country imported more than 1.2 million tonnes of fuel and LPG from Russia, accounting for over 70% of total imports. Supplies also come from Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan, though their share is significantly smaller. According to official statistics, Tajikistan imported more than 325,000 metric tons of petroleum products in the first quarter of this year, valued at over $251 million, or approximately $772 per metric ton. Compared with the same period last year, import volumes increased by 11.4%, while their total value rose by 8.6%. Experts say external factors are the main driver of rising prices. They point to international media reports that the conflict involving the United States, Israel, and Iran has triggered a chain reaction in the fuel market, affecting the supply chain from crude oil to refining and retail prices. A key factor has been disruption in the Strait of Hormuz, through which roughly 20% of global oil supplies pass. At the same time, price trends have varied significantly across countries. Al Jazeera reported that fuel prices rose by nearly 70% in Cambodia, 50% in Vietnam, 35% in Nigeria, 33% in Laos, and 28% in Canada. In Central Asia, however, price increases have been more moderate, ranging from 2% to 5% in March and April. In Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, prices have remained largely stable, which analysts attribute to pricing policies by Russian producers and the availability of domestic fuel supplies.

Iran

Central Asia Recalculates as the Iran War Enters a New Phase

Central Asia’s first response to the Iran war was public and urgent. Governments organized evacuations, welcomed a ceasefire, and watched the Strait of Hormuz because the region’s trade routes, fuel costs, and food prices were already under pressure. The next phase looks different. Following the April 12 collapse of U.S.-Iran talks in Islamabad, Washington moved to block maritime traffic entering and leaving Iranian ports. That step does not formally close Hormuz to all shipping, but it pushes the crisis into a more serious phase for any country or company still treating Iran as a viable corridor. That distinction is important in Central Asia because the region does not need a formal legal closure of Hormuz to feel the shock. It only needs insurers, banks, freight forwarders, airlines, and traders to decide that the southern option has become too risky for routine planning. That process was already underway. The route through Iran had come under strain in southern corridor traffic, food systems, and in the wider pricing of regional connectivity. A U.S. move against Iranian ports is likely to reinforce that view. Official statements across Central Asia still reflect the ceasefire moment more than the latest escalation. On April 8, Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev welcomed the truce and said he hoped it would support global trade and prosperity. Kyrgyzstan’s Foreign Ministry also welcomed the ceasefire and praised efforts to reduce tensions. Uzbekistan’s Foreign Ministry did the same, calling the truce an “important step toward de-escalating tensions,” and stressing that it should serve as a pathway to a broader political settlement. Tajikistan’s Foreign Ministry also welcomed the ceasefire agreement between Iran and the United States. Turkmenistan, meanwhile, had already taken a practical line, saying on March 4 that it was keeping all international checkpoints open and providing passage for foreign citizens, vehicles, and rail stock across the Turkmen-Iranian border. Since then, public messaging has lagged behind the latest escalation. By April 13, Qazinform’s foreign news flow had shifted to the failed Islamabad talks and Trump’s blockade order, while the latest publicly visible official positions elsewhere in the region still reflected the April 8 ceasefire. That does not mean backchannel diplomacy has stopped, but it does suggest that Central Asian governments prefer caution in public as the conflict shifts from direct strikes to pressure on shipping and trade. For the region, the economic logic is now clearer than the politics. Approximately 20% of global oil supplies and one-third of global fertilizer trade move through the Strait of Hormuz, while urea prices surged by almost 46% between February and March 2026. The World Bank’s April Europe and Central Asia Economic Update said growth in the developing economies of Europe and Central Asia is expected to slow to 2.1% in 2026, down from 2.6% in 2025, as the Middle East conflict, wider geopolitical tension, and trade fragmentation weigh on the region. Those pressures were already significant. The collapse of the main post-ceasefire diplomatic effort, followed by oil rising back above $100 a barrel, has made them harder...

Middle East Crisis

Central Asia Welcomes Ceasefire, Urges Talks as Energy Risks Persist

Central Asian governments have cautiously welcomed the two-week ceasefire between the United States and Iran, describing it as a necessary pause in a conflict that has already begun to affect regional stability, trade, and energy flows. Across the region, official statements struck a consistent balance: support for the truce, alongside calls to translate it quickly into negotiations rather than allow it to become a temporary pause in hostilities. Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev described the agreement as a “ceasefire and truce” reached through international mediation, including efforts involving Pakistan’s leadership. According to the presidential press service, Tokayev said that “this agreement became possible due to the goodwill and wisdom of the President of the United States, Donald Trump, and the senior leadership of Iran, as well as all countries involved in the military conflict.” Tokayev went on to express his hope that the agreement would prove sustainable and contribute to global trade and economic stability. Uzbekistan’s Foreign Ministry described the ceasefire as an “important step toward de-escalating tensions” and stressed that it should serve as a pathway to a broader political settlement. Tashkent called for “all parties to exercise restraint, [and] refrain from actions that could further escalate the situation, warning that further escalation risks widening the conflict and undermining regional stability. The statement reaffirmed Uzbekistan's “unwavering position on the need to resolve conflicts exclusively by peaceful means in strict accordance with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.” Tajikistan’s Foreign Ministry also welcomed the agreement, expressing hope that the ceasefire would open the way to a comprehensive and long-term peace. Dushanbe emphasized that the conflict has “no military solution and its continuation will only worsen the already difficult situation in the Middle East and cause colossal damage to all countries in the region.” The statement urged all parties to “abandon the use of force” and use political and diplomatic mechanisms in accordance with international law and the UN Charter. Kyrgyzstan’s Foreign Ministry said it “welcomes the achievement of a ceasefire agreement in the Middle East,” highlighting the role of Pakistan’s mediation efforts in reducing tensions. Bishkek reaffirmed that disputes must be resolved exclusively through political and diplomatic means on the basis of the UN Charter and international law, and expressed its “hope for achieving sustainable and long-term peace in the region.” Turkmenistan had not issued an official public statement on the ceasefire at the time of publication, in line with its longstanding policy of neutrality and cautious approach to external conflicts. Meanwhile, Azerbaijan’s Foreign Ministry also welcomed the “announced ceasefire” and praised the efforts of mediators who helped broker the agreement. Baku called on all parties to “engage in productive dialogue aimed at resolving existing problems and strengthening mutual trust” and signaled its readiness to “support initiatives aimed at strengthening lasting peace, security, and cooperation in the region.” The convergence in tone reflects more than diplomatic routine. The conflict has already spilled into Central Asia’s political and humanitarian agenda, prompting coordination on evacuations, aid deliveries, and contingency planning....

Oil Supply

Middle East Crisis: Kazakhstan Could Become an Alternative Supplier of Petroleum Products to Asia

The two-week ceasefire announced after Pakistani mediation between Iran and the U.S. has reduced the risk of immediate escalation in the Strait of Hormuz, but disruptions to one of the key routes of global oil trade have already triggered structural changes in energy markets. Against this backdrop, Kazakhstan and other countries in the region are increasingly being viewed as alternative suppliers of hydrocarbons, at least from the perspective of South Korea and Japan. Despite the agreement on a two-week pause, Iran has made it clear that it retains control over shipping in the strait, including the potential to impose restrictions and coordinate tanker movements with its military. This has heightened concerns among importers, many of whom depend heavily on this route. The most notable shift is taking place in Asia. South Korea, which receives about 61% of its crude imports and 54% of its naphtha imports through the Strait of Hormuz, is sending a high-level delegation to Kazakhstan, Oman, and Saudi Arabia to seek alternative sources of supply. Talks in Astana are expected to focus on oil and naphtha for industrial use. South Korea, Asia’s fourth-largest economy, has proven to be among the most vulnerable to disruptions in the Strait of Hormuz. In response, Seoul is taking urgent diplomatic and economic measures, with Presidential Chief of Staff Kang Hoon-sik traveling to Kazakhstan as a special envoy for strategic economic cooperation. The delegation includes representatives from relevant ministries and major energy companies, underscoring the urgency of the effort. The purpose of the visit is not only to address a potential short-term shortfall but also to establish sustainable alternative supply channels. South Korea has already secured a 24 million-barrel supply deal with the UAE, and shipments are already arriving at its ports, though officials say that volume is still insufficient given the ongoing instability. The government is coordinating efforts with private fuel importers and logistics operators to ensure uninterrupted supplies until tankers arrive at the country’s ports. Kazakhstan, which possesses large oil fields including Kashagan, is emerging as a key candidate to partially replace Middle Eastern volumes. However, geography imposes clear limitations: oil from the region requires more complex logistics, including transit across the Caspian Sea and onward through the Caucasus or the Black Sea. This is compounded by a projected decline in the country’s oil production. In March, Energy Minister Yerlan Akkenzhenov stated that output could fall by 2-4 million tons by the end of 2026 due to disruptions linked to attacks on infrastructure belonging to the Caspian Pipeline Consortium (CPC), as well as fires at the Tengiz field. Initial projections placed Kazakhstan’s 2026 oil production at 100.5 million tons, potentially a record level. However, the minister indicated that actual output will most likely fall short of this target. Japan is also reassessing its supply strategy. With more than 90% of its oil traditionally sourced from the Middle East, Tokyo is considering increasing imports from Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan through projects involving the national company INPEX. Japanese experts note that oil from...

Aviation Industry

Iran War Redraws Air Routes, Boosting Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan

Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan are emerging as potential beneficiaries of disruptions in the global aviation fuel market as tensions around Iran force airlines to reroute flights and rethink transit hubs. The escalation of tensions in the Middle East, including heightened risks to shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, has led to sharp increases in energy prices and supply disruptions. Gas prices in the EU have risen by 70%, and oil by 60%, with additional costs reaching €14 billion. Roughly one-fifth of the world’s oil passes through the Strait of Hormuz, making any disruption critically significant for global markets. The aviation industry has been among the hardest hit sectors. According to industry sources cited by Bloomberg, Europe is expected to have sufficient jet fuel supplies in the short term, but stocks are under pressure, and supply risks could emerge if the conflict continues. The cost of jet fuel has risen from about $742 to more than $1,700 per ton in recent weeks in some markets. This increase is outpacing the rise in oil prices, intensifying pressure on airlines. As reported by The Telegraph, citing data from Cirium, around 7% of scheduled flights were canceled at the peak of recent disruptions, equivalent to more than 7,000 departures, compared with about 4.7% a year earlier. Airlines are responding by cutting flight schedules and revising their business models. Lufthansa, for example, is considering temporarily grounding part of its fleet. According to CEO Carsten Spohr, fuel shortages are likely to be felt first outside Europe, where supply chains are more vulnerable. At the same time, airfares have already risen by 15-20%, beginning to dampen demand. As passenger demand softens and costs rise, carriers are balancing route cuts with the need to maintain key markets. Fuel Costs Drive Route Shifts According to Sergey Agibalov, consulting director at Argus in the CIS, significant changes are also occurring in the geography of international air travel. Major Middle Eastern hubs, such as Dubai, Doha, and Abu Dhabi, have seen a decline in transit traffic amid safety concerns and are operating below normal capacity on key routes. Agibalov argues that this creates a window of opportunity for alternative routes between Europe and Asia, including Istanbul, Addis Ababa, and hubs in Central Asia and the South Caucasus. “Airports in Central Asia and the South Caucasus are now attractive not only to passengers, but also to airlines. Disruptions to Middle Eastern jet fuel exports linked to instability around the Strait of Hormuz have led to a sharp rise in fuel prices globally. This increase is outpacing the rise in oil prices, intensifying pressure on airlines. Recent industry data shows prices reaching as high as $1,600–1,800 per ton in some markets. Under these conditions, many airlines have begun optimizing their flight schedules; even if fuel is available, flying has become very expensive,” he noted. Against this backdrop, airports in Almaty, Astana, and Baku are seeing increased traffic and stronger airline interest. Argus estimates suggest volumes are already rising in Baku, as routes across Central...