Features - The Times Of Central Asia

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Regional Realignment

Central Asia’s Sovereignty in the Shadow of the War in Ukraine

The Ukraine war has fundamentally changed Central Asia's strategic positioning, accelerating diversification away from Russian dependence. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are navigating between maintaining necessary ties with Moscow, while asserting sovereignty through expanded partnerships with China, Turkey, and the West. The Sovereignty Imperative When Russian forces crossed into Ukraine in February 2022, the violation of territorial integrity sent immediate shockwaves through Central Asia. For leaders whose nations had endured centuries of Russian and Soviet rule, Vladimir Putin's denial of Ukrainian statehood carried threatening undertones. This concern proved well-founded; since 2014, Russian officials have increasingly questioned Central Asian independence, with Putin dismissing Kazakhstan as never having “any statehood,” and nationalist figures like Zakhar Prilepin suggesting the outright annexation of territories "labor migrants come from." This threat became tangible post-2022. Duma member Konstantin Zatulin warned that "with friends, we don't raise territorial questions... With the rest — like with Ukraine — everything is possible," while media personality Tigran Keosayan told Kazakhstan to "look at Ukraine carefully." Such rhetoric has deepened Central Asia’s resolve to defend its sovereignty, even as economic and security constraints limit dramatic policy shifts. Measured Defiance Despite expectations in some quarters that Kazakhstan would align with Moscow following the Russian-led CSTO intervention during the January 2022 unrest, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev defied such predictions. Sitting beside Putin in June 2022, Tokayev refused to recognize the "quasi-state territories" of Donetsk and Luhansk, drawing fierce Russian criticism. This principled neutrality, supporting neither Russia's war nor “blindly follow[ing]” Western sanctions, has largely succeeded in keeping Kazakhstan shielded from the ire of Moscow. Uzbekistan's President Shavkat Mirziyoyev adopted a similar positioning, with then Foreign Minister Abdulaziz Kamilov declaring Uzbekistan's recognition of Ukrainian territorial integrity. Though Kamilov was subsequently reassigned amid reports of Russian pressure, Tashkent has maintained its "balanced and neutral position," refusing to endorse any territorial changes achieved through force. Public Opinion is Divided but Shifting The war has polarized Central Asian societies along generational and ethnic lines. In Kazakhstan, surveys show roughly 27-32% of respondents still accept the Kremlin justifications for its invasion of Ukraine, while 24-28% view Russia as the aggressor. Critically, only 15% explicitly support Russia versus 20% backing Ukraine, with the majority remaining neutral. More telling is the growing anxiety about Russia’s intentions: 26% of Kazakhstanis now consider a Russian attack on their country a possibility. In Uzbekistan, state media control limits public polarization, but the historical memory of Russian colonization has reinforced the appreciation for independence. Prilepin's 2023 annexation comments sparked widespread patriotic indignation, while the government's firm rebuttal drew popular praise. Strategic Diversification Accelerates The war has catalyzed Central Asia's pivot toward multiple partnerships, exploiting Russia's distraction and resource constraints. China is already the region's largest economic partner. China has deepened its influence through the first China-Central Asia summit in 2023 and Xi Jinping's pledge that Beijing "categorically opposes" interference in Kazakhstan's internal affairs. Chinese investment in alternative corridors bypassing Russia has accelerated, while modest military cooperation provides security alternatives to Russian guarantees. Ankara has also leveraged its...

Central Asia-Italy Summit

Meloni Will Attend Italy-Central Asia Summit in Kazakhstan This Week

Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, who postponed a trip to Central Asia in April because of the death of Pope Francis, has rescheduled her visit to the region for this coming Wednesday to Friday. Meloni will travel to Uzbekistan on Wednesday and will attend a Central Asia-Italy summit during a visit to Kazakhstan on Thursday and Friday, according to her office. The leaders of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan are expected to join Meloni at the summit, which is aimed at strengthening economic collaboration between Italy and Central Asia.

Cryptocurrency

$15 Billion in Crypto Withdrawn from Kazakhstan Amid Calls for Tighter Controls

Approximately $15 billion worth of cryptocurrency has been withdrawn from Kazakhstan, a figure disclosed by Berik Sholpankulov, Deputy Chairman of the National Bank. The exodus highlights systemic issues in the country's digital finance regulations. Billions in the “Gray Zone” According to Sholpankulov, the primary driver of this significant capital outflow has been the absence of robust regulatory frameworks governing digital finance. "Today, the volume of crypto assets withdrawn from the country amounts to $15 billion. The fact is that there was insufficient administrative and legal regulation in place to allow citizens to invest safely,” he stated during a briefing. In response, the National Bank plans to introduce sweeping changes, including administrative and criminal penalties for the illegal circulation of cryptocurrencies and their unauthorized transfer abroad. Sholpankulov also indicated that the authorities may soon begin naming individuals involved in illicit transactions. “Perhaps we will also hold a briefing and announce by name who spent what in the ‘gray’ zone. But [there] will already be administrative and criminal prosecution,” he stated. Transparency and Licensing: Key Reforms Legislative amendments are currently under development to legitimize and open Kazakhstan’s digital asset market. The initial step will involve licensing all market participants, such as cryptocurrency exchanges and digital service providers, through the Astana International Financial Center (AIFC). Licensed entities operating through the AIFC will enable residents to legally buy and sell digital assets. All transactions will be monitored and transparent, giving the state tools to prevent illegal financial flows. A dedicated platform is also being launched under the National Bank to test emerging digital technologies and services before a broader rollout. Strategic Shift Toward a Digital Economy These reforms extend to Kazakhstan's cryptocurrency mining sector. Large-scale operators will be permitted to build independent power plants to reduce their reliance on the national power grid, thus improving operational stability and economic feasibility. Deputy Minister of Digital Development Kanysh Tuleushin emphasized that establishing a legal market for digital assets marks a pivotal phase in the country's economic transformation. The relevant authorities aim to implement a fully regulated and transparent cryptocurrency market by the end of 2025. Kazakhstan's competitive advantages, including affordable electricity, vast space, and a supportive legal infrastructure, position it well to attract investment and build a robust digital ecosystem. If fully realized, the reform package could elevate Kazakhstan to a leading position in the region for legal cryptocurrency operations, stimulating job creation, and curbing shadow capital outflows. Previously, The Times of Central Asia reported that MP Olzhas Kuspekov had proposed strengthening state controls over cryptocurrency circulation, including blocking access to unlicensed exchange platforms.

Women's Rights

Stealing Brides, Ignoring Justice: The Battle Against Forced Marriage in Central Asia

The abduction of girls for forced marriage remains a troubling and persistent practice across Central Asia. While Kazakhstan has been progressively tightening its legal framework to better protect women's rights, bride kidnapping continues to pose a serious human rights challenge throughout the region. Fighting the Middle Ages? Bride kidnapping has long been practiced in Central Asia and the Caucasus. In contemporary times, some instances are consensual, carried out as a form of cultural theatre to reduce the high cost of weddings in traditional societies. However, when carried out without the woman’s explicit permission, the ritual becomes a form of gender-based violence. Efforts to combat non-consensual bride kidnapping have been ongoing since the Soviet era, yet the practice endures. According to some Kazakhstani legislators, the current laws are no longer adequate to address the full scope of the issue. The existing criminal code’s general provisions on abduction, they argue, fall short of tackling the specific dynamics of forced marriage. Mazhilis Deputy Murat Abenov has proposed introducing explicit criminal liability for coercion into marriage. “Over the past three years, 214 complaints have been filed in Kazakhstan from people who were forced into marriage. Only ten of them reached court. Hundreds of criminal cases were simply closed,” Abenov stated. “Even though the girl proved that she had been kidnapped, that she had jumped out of the car, that force had been used against her, nothing could be done.” New legislative amendments have been drafted and are expected to be debated in the Mazhilis, Kazakhstan’s lower house of parliament. The proposed law introduces a scale of penalties based on the severity of the offense. “There is administrative liability, there will be a large fine, and in serious cases where the girl is under 18 or where force is used or by a group of people, there will be more serious liability, up to criminal liability, five to seven years in prison,” Abenov explained. This new law could be enacted by the end of 2025. Kazakhstan's Human Rights Commissioner, Artur Lastaev, addressed the issue in February 2024 in the wake of a high-profile case in Shymkent. “The practice of kidnapping girls for the purpose of marriage is still widespread in our country, especially in the southern regions. In some cases, such actions result in sexual assault, humiliation, unlawful deprivation of liberty, and even suicide,” Lastaev stated. “Saltanat’s Law” Written in Blood In June 2024, Kazakhstan implemented a sweeping new law entitled “On Amendments to Ensure the Rights of Women and the Safety of Children.” Though years in the making, the law is colloquially known as “Saltanat’s Law,” named after Saltanat Nukenova, a young woman who was brutally murdered by her common-law husband, Kuandyk Bishimbayev, a former senior government official. In November 2023, Bishimbayev beat Nukenova over the course of a night in a restaurant in Astana. After she lost consciousness, he attempted to conceal the crime instead of seeking medical help. In May 2024, following a highly publicized trial, Bishimbayev was sentenced to 24 years...

Cultural Heritage

The Photographs of Prokudin-Gorsky: A Glimpse of a Lost World

Using the emerging technology of color photography, Sergey Mikhaylovich Prokudin-Gorsky (1863–1944) undertook several photographic expeditions to capture images of the Russian Empire. Most of his work took place between 1909 and 1915, though some photographs date as early as 1905. At the time, the Russian Empire stretched roughly 7,000 miles east to west and 3,000 miles north to south. It encompassed one-sixth of the Earth’s land surface, making it the largest empire in history, spanning what are now eleven time zones. [caption id="attachment_32008" align="aligncenter" width="484"] Abutment for a dam and house belonging to the government. [Kuzminskoe] Prokudin-Gorsky, Sergey Mikhaylovich, 1912[/caption]Tsar Nicholas II supported Prokudin-Gorsky’s ambitious endeavor by granting him travel permits and access to various modes of transportation, including trains, boats, and automobiles. His journeys are preserved in photographic albums that include the original negatives. One album also features miscellaneous images, including scenes from other parts of Europe. The photographs capture a broad array of subjects: religious architecture and shrines (churches, cathedrals, mosques, and monasteries); religious and secular artifacts (such as vestments, icons, and items linked to saints, former Tsars, and the Napoleonic Wars); infrastructure and public works (railroads, bridges, dams, and roads); a variety of industries (including mining, textile production, and street vending); agricultural scenes (like tea plantations and field work); portraits, which often showed people in traditional dress, as well as cityscapes, villages, natural landscapes, and blooming plants. Besides being a photographer, Sergey Prokudin-Gorsky was a chemist who is renowned for his pioneering contributions to color photography in the early 20th century. In 1901, he traveled to Berlin to study photochemistry before returning to Russia, where he outfitted a railroad car as a mobile darkroom with the support of Tsar Nicholas II. As he traveled across the Russian Empire, he documented its people and landscapes, eventually earning recognition in Russia, Germany, and France. In 1906, he was appointed head of the photography section of Fotograf-Liubitel, Russia’s leading photography journal. One of his most famous works is a color portrait of Leo Tolstoy, taken in 1908. “By capturing the result of artistic inspiration in the full richness of its colors on the light-sensitive photographic plate, we pass the priceless document to future generations,” wrote Prokudin-Gorsky. As a nobleman, inventor, professor, and pioneer of color photography in Russia, Prokudin-Gorsky had a deep sense of national identity and heritage. Although he was unable to complete his grand project due to the outbreak of World War I and increasing social unrest across the Russian Empire, he still managed to capture photographs in regions such as the Urals, Siberia, Crimea, Dagestan, Finland, and Central Asia, as well as along the Volga and Oka rivers. Unfortunately, much of his photographic archive was lost in the aftermath of the 1917 Revolution. Prokudin-Gorsky created unique black-and-white negatives using a triple-frame method, taking three separate exposures through blue, green, and red filters. This technique allowed the images to be printed or projected in color, often for magic lantern slide presentations. The complete collection of 1,902 triple-frame glass...

China

Opinion – The Quiet Competition: How the U.S. Is Losing Ground to China in Central Asia

Over the past decade, China has steadily expanded its presence in Central Asia, not through military force, but by building roads, trade corridors, and digital infrastructure. As the United States scaled back its regional footprint following its withdrawal from Afghanistan, Beijing moved quickly to fill the void. Today, China has positioned itself as the region's dominant external power, while the U.S. risks being left on the sidelines. At the heart of China’s strategy is the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which has provided over $1 trillion into infrastructure projects globally since its launch in 2013. This includes $704 billion in construction contracts and $470 billion in non-financial investments. In 2024 alone, BRI engagement reached $121.8 billion – $70.7 billion in construction and $51 billion in investments – and trade between China and the countries of Central Asia hit a record $95 billion, highlighting the depth of China's economic integration. This engagement has also created significant financial dependencies. Central Asian countries owe China roughly $15.7 billion, about 8% of the region's total external debt, and these loans are often opaque and carry terms that provide Beijing with outsized political leverage. Chinese firms are also laying fiber-optic networks and constructing electric vehicle corridors to link western China with its neighbors. In Tajikistan, for example, contractors are upgrading the Pamir Highway to support cross-border EV transport. Huawei and other Chinese tech giants are also expanding the region’s telecommunications infrastructure, raising serious concerns about surveillance, data sovereignty, and long-term digital dependency. China’s economic outreach is reinforced by high-level diplomacy. The China–Central Asia (C+C5) format has become the centerpiece of Beijing’s regional engagement. At the 2025 summit, leaders from across the region gathered to coordinate on connectivity, climate resilience, and trade facilitation. The regularity and substance of these summits stand in sharp contrast to the United States’ more sporadic diplomatic presence. The U.S. maintains the C5+1 platform and launched a promising Critical Minerals Dialogue in 2024. However, these initiatives have yet to match the scale or consistency of China's approach as U.S. infrastructure investment is limited, its commercial footprint is small, and diplomatic engagement is too infrequent to shift the region’s strategic trajectory. This matters. Central Asia is strategically located, resource-rich, and increasingly central to global supply chains and geopolitical competition. Kazakhstan alone supplies more than 40% of the world’s uranium. The region also serves as a testing ground for competing development models, and if the United States fails to become a more engaged and credible partner, China’s infrastructure-heavy, state-centric model may become the default. To remain competitive, Washington should recalibrate its approach in Central Asia. This includes pursuing bilateral deals that deliver real impact, such as deepening ties with Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan through targeted investment packages, trade agreements, and joint-sector initiatives. It also means securing access to critical minerals by expanding private-sector investment in mining, processing, and transport infrastructure aligned with U.S. supply chain needs. Offering digital infrastructure alternatives is equally essential; the United States must support secure, interoperable, and transparent technology networks that...