• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00206 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10415 -0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00206 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10415 -0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00206 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10415 -0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00206 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10415 -0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00206 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10415 -0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00206 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10415 -0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00206 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10415 -0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00206 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10415 -0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%

Viewing results 235 - 240 of 2300

Border Violence Between Afghanistan and Pakistan: A New Risk for Central Asia

The escalating tensions between Afghanistan and Pakistan are forcing a reassessment of Afghanistan’s viability as a “partner space.” With cross-border clashes increasingly resembling a prolonged pattern rather than isolated incidents, and with both sides showing little willingness to compromise, the question grows more urgent: Can Afghanistan realistically become a partner for Central Asian countries, or is it destined to remain a persistent source of regional instability? This confrontation is deeply unsettling for the countries of Central Asia. Still in the early stages of formulating coherent policies toward Afghanistan, they have tentatively linked their development strategies to the hope of having a stable neighbor to the south – one that might serve as a bridge to South Asia. Against this backdrop, deteriorating Afghan-Pakistani relations breed more frustration and anxiety than hope. No country in the world, except Russia, has recognized the Taliban regime de jure. This broad reluctance reflects deep skepticism; few are willing to assume legal obligations or share responsibility for Kabul’s actions. Yet, Afghanistan remains far from isolated. Its geographic centrality makes it impossible to ignore. Accordingly, Central Asia has developed a distinct approach to dealing with its southern neighbor. It can be summarized as: We do not recognize, but we cooperate; we do not trust, but we verify; we do not agree, but we engage. In essence, Afghanistan’s neighbors, particularly the ones in Central Asia, have adopted a pragmatic, long-term strategy: engage without illusions or formal recognition, while maintaining the flexibility to adjust based on Kabul’s behavior. For these countries, Afghanistan does not stand as an independent priority. Its role is evaluated solely within the broader regional framework. In the most favorable scenario, Afghanistan serves as a transit corridor linking South and Central Asia. Yet even this utility is not indispensable; viable alternatives through Iran, the South Caucasus, Turkey, and China already exist and are expanding. Looking ahead, three broad scenarios can be envisioned: Optimistic: The Taliban demonstrate readiness for responsible engagement. This would enable Afghanistan’s gradual integration into trade and transport initiatives, expansion of economic ties, and a firm establishment as a bridge between Central and South Asia. Pessimistic: Afghanistan remains a chronic risk factor and flashpoint for regional crises. The ongoing Afghan-Pakistani confrontation, no longer a fleeting episode but an entrenched conflict, is a clear warning sign. If this becomes the norm, it will deter serious investment, no stakeholder will commit to a country that cannot guarantee peace with its neighbors. Inertia: Central Asian states continue their cautious balancing act under the logic that “a bad peace is better than a good war.” While cooperation continues at a minimal level, countries prioritize alternative routes and avoid deep commitments. Under this status quo, ambitious projects like the Trans-Afghanistan Railway and the TAPI pipeline are unlikely to materialize. The former risks losing the “trans” prefix; the latter may, for now, become little more than a Turkmenistan-Afghanistan venture. Nonetheless, there remains a window for diplomacy. Pressured by Turkey and Qatar, Kabul and Islamabad have agreed to resume negotiations aimed...

UNESCO Conference in Samarkand Highlights Uzbekistan’s Heritage

At the opening ceremony of the 43rd session of the UNESCO General Conference in Samarkand, Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev highlighted Uzbekistan’s growing role in global cultural dialogue and its expanding cooperation with UNESCO. Held on October 30, the event marked the first time in four decades that the conference had convened outside UNESCO’s headquarters in Paris. The ceremony welcomed high-level participants, including UNESCO Director-General Audrey Azoulay, Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić, Slovak President Peter Pellegrini, and representatives from UNESCO member states. In his address, Mirziyoyev said that hosting such a prominent international forum reflects global recognition of Uzbekistan’s reform efforts and its active role in cultural and educational cooperation. He commended UNESCO’s decades-long contributions to education, science, culture, and media, noting Samarkand’s symbolic importance as one of the world’s oldest cities. “Samarkand has always been a crossroads of civilizations, science, and tolerance,” Mirziyoyev said. The president highlighted the 2023–2027 cooperation program between Uzbekistan and UNESCO, which focuses on cultural heritage preservation, educational reform, and digital innovation. He also noted that Khiva, Bukhara, Shahrisabz, and Samarkand are inscribed on UNESCO’s World Heritage List, and that the Zarafshan-Karakum Corridor was recently added as part of the Silk Roads network. Uzbekistan’s rich intangible heritage, including Shashmaqom music, the Lazgi dance, Navruz celebrations, and traditional crafts such as embroidery and ceramics, has also earned UNESCO recognition, strengthening the country’s identity as a cultural hub in Central Asia. During the session, Mirziyoyev proposed several initiatives for UNESCO’s consideration: Establishing a UNESCO Platform for Inclusive Education with AI-integrated learning tools; Organizing a Global Summit on Vocational Education to prepare youth for future professions; Declaring November 19 as the International Day of Documentary Heritage; Creating an International Digital Heritage Institute under UNESCO auspices; Launching a UNESCO Academy for Women Leaders to advance women’s participation in science, culture, and education; and Hosting a World Forum of Women Researchers and Artists in Samarkand. Addressing global challenges, the president called for stronger international cooperation on climate issues and proposed designating a “UNESCO Ecological Capital” each year to recognize cities promoting sustainable environmental practices. Mirziyoyev also spoke about the dangers of misinformation, calling for improved media literacy among young people and greater support for responsible journalism and intercultural dialogue. Concluding his speech, the president reaffirmed Uzbekistan’s readiness to serve as a bridge between East and West and to actively support UNESCO’s mission to promote peace, sustainable development, and mutual understanding around the world.

Trump–Xi Meeting Reshapes Stakes Ahead of C5+1 Summit

The October 30, 2025, meeting between U.S. President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping in Busan, South Korea, marked their first in-person contact since 2019. While framed as a limited reset or tactical pause, the talks carry deeper strategic implications. They occurred just days before the forthcoming C5+1 Leaders’ Summit in Washington on November 6, a gathering with direct consequences for Central Asia’s role in the future of critical mineral supply chains. South Korea Talks: Reset or Recalibration? At the meeting in Busan, Trump and Xi discussed supply chains, tariffs, rare earth trade, and broader trade issues. The U.S. announced that China had agreed to pause certain rare-earth export curbs for a year, with Trump describing the talks as “amazing.” China currently processes roughly 90% of the world’s rare-earth elements and mines around 70%, which are indispensable in the production of electric vehicles, wind turbines, defense technologies, and high-tech manufacturing. Analysts characterized the Busan accord not as a strategic realignment but as a “tactical pause” or a “temporary lull to escalation” between the U.S. and China. For emerging potential U.S. partners in Central Asia, however, the optics matter, as any perceived U.S.–China trade thaw could diminish the urgency behind diversifying rare earth supply chains. Central Asia’s Rare Earth Opportunity As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, the upcoming C5+1 summit is likely to focus on critical minerals, energy logistics, and investment infrastructure as the U.S. seeks to reduce its reliance on China. Kazakhstan has emerged as a major player in rare earths, with geological surveys in 2024 and 2025 identifying 38 promising solid mineral deposits, including the Kuyrektykol site in the Karaganda region, which contains substantial reserves. Uzbekistan, meanwhile, signed a memorandum of understanding with the U.S. on critical minerals cooperation in September 2024, which represented a major step toward deepening bilateral cooperation on this front. The U.S. International Development Finance Corporation (DFC) has signaled its interest in co-financing midstream mining and processing infrastructure in Central Asia, though projects remain at formative stages. Logistics routes such as the Middle Corridor via Central Asia and the Caspian remain strategically attractive to Western-aligned supply chains seeking to bypass Russia. Trump–Xi Reset Could Blur U.S. Commitments, But the Case for Diversification Remains Strong Should the Trump-Xi meeting diminish the immediate urgency of supply chain diversification, this will be of concern to countries looking to balance their economies with geopolitical neutrality. Kazakhstan has long positioned itself as a multi-vector neutral broker between major powers, meaning fluctuating U.S. policy signals could cause complications. Despite the reset, however, most analysts contend that little has fundamentally changed, with the Busan meeting seen as a temporary rather than a genuine strategic pivot. While structural competition between Washington and Beijing endures, diversification of critical mineral supply chains remains as essential as ever. For Central Asia, this dynamic reinforces the need to continue developing regional value chains and its mid-stream processing capacity. What to Expect in Washington The November 6 C5+1 Leaders’ Summit in Washington will test whether the...

U.S. Envoys Hail Stronger Kazakhstan Partnership Ahead of C5+1 Summit

On October 29, Unites States Special Envoy for South and Central Asia Sergio Gor and Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau concluded their visit to Kazakhstan ahead of the upcoming C5+1 summit in Washington. During their trip, the U.S. envoys met with President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev and held discussions with representatives of Kazakhstan’s government and business community, which they described as highly productive. “We are concluding a memorable trip to Kazakhstan in the beautiful capital, Astana, which did not even exist 30 years ago and now boasts a population of more than 1.5 million,” Landau posted on social media. He also stated that bilateral relations between the U.S. and Kazakhstan “have never been so strong” and expressed gratitude for the hospitality.  Gor and Landau held talks with Prime Minister Olzhas Bektenov and key cabinet members, including Minister of Trade and Integration Arman Shakkaliev, Minister of Energy Yerlan Akkenzhenov, Minister of Transport Nurlan Sauranbayev, and Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Economy Serik Zhumangarin, to discuss Kazakhstan’s economic priorities and areas for expanding bilateral cooperation. According to the Kazakh government, the talks focused on expanding trade and investment cooperation between the two countries. Priority areas included transport and logistics, energy, agriculture, the digital economy, and artificial intelligence. During their visit, the U.S. envoys also met with Deputy Prime Minister Murat Nurtleu, who reaffirmed Kazakhstan’s readiness to cooperate on sustainable development and energy security. The meetings demonstrated Kazakhstan’s active engagement with the United States in the lead-up to the upcoming Central Asia–U.S. summit. Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Economy Serik Zhumangarin, who highlighted Kazakhstan’s economic strengths during talks with Gor and Landau, had recently returned from a high-level visit to the United States. His delegation, which included Deputy Head of the Presidential Administration Erbolat Dossaev and Chairperson of the Agency for Regulation and Development of the Financial Market Madina Abylkasymova, held meetings in New York and Washington with American business leaders and members of Congress. During the visit, the Kazakh delegation presented the country’s economic growth strategy, highlighted ongoing GDP expansion, and discussed the potential listing of government securities on the New York Stock Exchange. They also raised the possible repeal of the Jackson–Vanik Amendment, a long-standing priority for Kazakhstan’s diplomatic agenda. Against this backdrop, the White House’s decision to convene a summit between President Donald Trump and the leaders of the Central Asian republics may partly reflect Kazakhstan’s sustained diplomatic outreach. In that context, Gor and Landau’s remarks of appreciation as they departed Astana underscored recognition of Kazakhstan’s role in shaping this evolving partnership.

C5+1 at 10: Washington Seeks Concrete Outcomes With Central Asia

A leaders’ summit between Central Asia and the United States is scheduled for 6 November in Washington, D.C. Kazakhstan’s presidency has said the meeting will take place on that date, and President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has confirmed his attendance. Others have confirmed as well. The meeting would bring the heads of state of Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan to Washington for only the second leaders’ level C5+1 meeting, after the first took place on the margins of the UN General Assembly in September 2023. The timing is notable as 2025 marks the C5+1’s tenth year. Since 2015, the C5+1 format, linking the five Central Asian states with the United States, has steadily become Washington’s primary channel for strategic diplomacy in the region. With Russia constrained by the war in Ukraine and China expanding Belt and Road finance and logistics, the U.S. is building a durable presence through programmatic work, published procedures, and predictable commitments. Public calls in the United States to mark the tenth year with a Washington meeting have focused on concrete results. Stakeholders such as U.S. and Central Asian ministries, regulators, banks, carriers, and investors now expect clear schedules for practical work on corridor performance, compliance guidance under evolving sanctions, critical minerals cooperation, grid reliability, aviation access, and investment risk-sharing. The success of the summit depends on more than words that have characterized prior summits. One metric of success could be the consummation of a final joint communiqué including 90-day and 180-day check-backs with a designated lead and co-lead for each item - identified by name, title, and agency - and a requirement to publish brief progress notes. The summit was preceded by a visit of U.S. officials to the region: on October 25, U.S. Special Representative for South and Central Asia Sergio Gor and Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau arrived in Tashkent, met senior officials and U.S. companies, continued to Samarkand, and then to Almaty. The trip was not publicly scheduled; initial confirmation came via embassy Telegram posts. Discussions reportedly covered rare-earth processing and other sensitive cooperation areas, signaling agenda-setting ahead of November 6. How Washington Can Regularize Intensified C5+1 Coordination This meeting would normalize leaders’ level C5+1 engagement after the first such gathering in September 2023. That shift matters. Since 2015, the format has moved from occasional ministerials to a steadier dialogue built around defined themes, even when leaders have met on the sidelines of larger events. With Washington now hosting, observers will compare outcomes to the 2023 joint-statement themes - security, economic resilience, sustainable development, climate, and sovereignty - and to readouts that set a precedent for presidential-level participation. In this sense, the Washington summit represents not only a procedural step but a test of whether the United States can institutionalize its Eurasia policy with a more proactive diplomacy. An annual leaders’ cycle, spring ministerials, and quarterly sherpa meetings pre-scheduled through Q4 2026 would signal a commitment to deepen the process. In Washington, there is bipartisan pressure to show continuity and delivery...

Cyprus as a Mirror of Turkish Geopolitics: How Ankara Uses Northern Cyprus to Project Influence in Central Asia

Northern Cyprus has become a microcosm of Turkish foreign policy, a space where Ankara combines military presence, the ideology of “Turkic brotherhood,” and economic leverage. For Turkey, this territory is not merely a long-standing geopolitical dispute but a laboratory for a new diplomatic model centered on the vision of a “great Turkic world.” As noted by Stratfor, despite the decisive victory of Republican Turkish Party leader Tufan Erhürman in the October 19, 2025, presidential elections in the self-declared Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), a candidate who supports renewed negotiations with the Republic of Cyprus and advocates for a federal model, Ankara has shown no intention of revising its entrenched two-state doctrine. Analysts suggest Turkey may apply economic pressure and diplomatic isolation, including suspension of subsidies and credit lines, should Erhürman attempt to implement a federal solution. Concurrently, Turkey is lobbying for the TRNC’s recognition within the Organization of Turkic States (OTS), aiming to set a symbolic precedent: if Turkic-speaking nations will not support each other, who will? For Central Asia, this initiative reflects Ankara’s commitment to unifying the Turkic world under its political leadership, extending far beyond cultural solidarity. Political Implications for Central Asia Turkey’s push to incorporate the TRNC into the OTS shifts the organization from a cultural bloc to a geopolitical instrument. Should Northern Cyprus gain observer status, Ankara will likely expect symbolic support from its Turkic partners. This poses a significant dilemma for Central Asian states. Aligning with Turkey could be perceived by Western actors as a breach of international law, while maintaining neutrality might be viewed as a rejection of Turkic unity. Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan have so far emphasized adherence to international law and sovereignty. At the April 2025 EU-Central Asia summit in Samarkand, these states jointly reaffirmed UN Security Council resolutions from the early 1980s, which declared the TRNC’s independence and all related separatist actions legally invalid. Kyrgyzstan may face a more delicate challenge due to its deep humanitarian and educational ties with Turkey. Northern Cyprus thus serves as a litmus test for Turkic integration: how closely can nations align without compromising their political autonomy? Economic and Energy Dimensions Cyprus plays a strategic role in Turkey’s energy policy, linking the Caspian region, the Caucasus, and the Eastern Mediterranean. Turkish control over Northern Cyprus bolsters its influence over maritime logistics, offshore gas development, and export corridors. This holds direct relevance for Central Asia. A stronger Turkish position in the Mediterranean enhances its leverage over energy transit routes from the Caspian to Europe, particularly in relation to the Trans-Caspian pipeline and the Middle Corridor. Over time, Ankara is expected to use energy infrastructure as a tool for political engagement, promoting an “economy of Turkic solidarity”, offering mutual benefits, but often tied to strategic conditions. Security and Military Presence The TRNC functions as a prototype for Turkey’s military protectorate model, a way to retain control while presenting itself as a guarantor of stability. This model is echoed across the Turkic region through Turkey’s expanding military partnerships...