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Syria

Uzbek Militants Become Mediators in Syria Stand-Off

Brandishing assault rifles, the Uzbek fighters in Syria arrived ready to fight. They ended up helping to mediate an end to a confrontation between another group of militants and government security forces. Fighting broke out early last week when Syrian forces raided a stronghold of the Islamic militant group Fiqrat al-Ghuraba, whose leader, identified as Omar Diaby, is a French national of Senegalese origin. Authorities accused the group of kidnapping and other crimes, though some analysts say the government is under international pressure to rein in foreign fighters who helped oust former leader Bashar al-Assad last year but have resisted integration into the military of Syria’s new, relatively moderate leadership. The confrontation erupted in the city of Harem in Idlib province in northern Syria. Ethnic Uzbek fighters deployed to the area, saying they were prepared to reinforce the so-called French jihadis. Uzbek combatants play a prominent role in two groups of foreign fighters in Syria that are known by the acronyms KIB and KTJ and retain ties to al-Qaida and the Taliban, according to a recent West Point analysis. But the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, which tracked the country’s long civil war, said an agreement to end the fighting was reached with the mediation of Uzbek fighters and members of the Turkistan Islamic Party, a mostly Uyghur extremist movement. As part of the deal, heavy weapons were to be withdrawn from the region and the mediators were “entrusted to track the fate” of Omar Diaby, according to the observatory. While the agreement resolved the local stand-off, it didn’t address the broader question of how the Syrian government will deal with the many foreign militants who joined the fight against al-Assad and remain, with their weapons, in the country. At least in the short term, the deal seemed to benefit the extremists who demonstrated leverage in their talks with authorities. Foreign fighter groups had shared the same goal as Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, a group with al-Qaida roots that led the rebel push to overthrow al-Assad and whose leader, Ahmed al-Sharaa, is now trying to project an inclusive image as Syria’s president. The French-led extremists have accused Syrian authorities of collaborating with France to detain them and turn them over to French authorities. China, which is concerned about Uyghur militants, has also urged Syria’s transitional government to crack down on designated terror groups.

U.S.-Central Asia Summit

Trump to Host U.S.-Central Asia Summit on November 6

Kazakhstan’s presidency says a Central Asia–United States summit will be held in Washington on November 6. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev sent a letter to U.S. President Donald Trump to thank him for the invitation to participate in the summit on that date in the U.S. capital, Tokayev’s press office said on Sunday. President Tokayev regarded the initiative of the American leader as both timely and important, the office said. “The Head of State also noted that he shares the key principles of President Trump’s domestic and foreign policy, in particular the advocacy of traditional values based on common sense, as well as dedication to safeguarding peace and security.” The summit would mark the tenth anniversary of the C5+1 diplomatic forum, which includes the United States and the five Central Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. Citing unidentified sources in Uzbekistan’s presidential administration, Gazeta, a media outlet in Uzbekistan, confirmed the summit plan, saying Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev was among the Central Asian leaders who had received invitations from Trump to attend the November 6 meeting in Washington. Kyrgyz media have also reported that President Sadyr Japarov will attend the C5+1. According to Azattyq, the invitation was extended to all five Central Asia leaders. The announcement of the summit coincides with a visit to Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan by Sergio Gor, U.S. Special Envoy for South and Central Asia, and Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau. Trump met Tokayev and Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev on the sidelines of the U.N. General Assembly last month. Multi-billion-dollar business deals were announced in connection with those meetings. The U.S. president is currently on an Asia tour during which he is expected to meet Chinese President Xi Jinping to discuss trade tensions. A summit with Central Asian leaders could potentially help the U.S. counter the influence of Russia and China in that region. In an Oct. 20 letter, a U.S. congressional foreign affairs panel urged Trump to host a summit with Central Asian leaders before the end of the year. It noted U.S. interests such as the development of critical minerals, including tungsten, antimony, lithium, and rare earth elements; the full repeal of the Jackson-Vanik amendment, a Cold War-era law that imposes some restrictions on trade with several countries in Central Asia; and counterterrorism efforts against the regional branch of the Islamic State group.

International Diplomacy

U.S. Special Envoy and Deputy Secretary of State to visit Central Asia

The U.S. Department of State has published a statement announcing that the Special Envoy for South and Central Asia, Sergio Gor, and Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau will travel to Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan from October 26 to October 30. According to the statement, "Special Envoy Gor and Deputy Secretary Landau will meet with Kazakh and Uzbekistani government counterparts to discuss a wide range of economic and security issues. The United States will continue to work with our Central Asian counterparts to strengthen relations and expand commercial ties. We look forward to enhancing bilateral cooperation between our countries and also recognizing ten years of U.S.-Central Asian partnership through the C5+1 diplomatic platform." No further details were provided in the announcement. Gor was born as Sergio Gorokhovsky on November 30, 1986, in Tashkent, Uzbekistan, which was part of the Soviet Union at the time. Gor's lawyer, Robert Garson, confirmed by email that his client was born in Tashkent. The previously unannounced visit is a continuation of recent talks held by the leaders of Astana and Tashkent with President Trump, and comes in the wake of new sanctions imposed on Russia last week, which directly affect countries in the region. In addition, last week, the U.S. Congressional Foreign Affairs Panel asked U.S. President Donald Trump to host a meeting in Washington, D.C. with leaders from Central Asia by the end of 2025.

Sanctions

How U.S. and EU Sanctions Are Rippling Through Central Asia

Russia’s economy has faced renewed pressure following a fresh round of sanctions imposed this past week by both the European Union and the United States. After abruptly canceling a planned meeting with Vladimir Putin in Budapest, President Donald Trump shifted to a more hardline stance, announcing new sanctions. While these sanctions may not cripple Moscow, they are already having secondary effects on Central Asia, particularly on Kazakhstan’s banking and energy sectors. The EU's 19th sanctions package, adopted on October 22, introduces a phased ban on Russian liquefied natural gas (LNG). According to Reuters, short-term contracts will be terminated within six months, while long-term contracts are to expire by January 1, 2027. The package also includes a total ban on transactions with Russian oil giants Rosneft and Gazprom Neft, an expanded blacklist of so-called "shadow fleet" vessels, and sanctions against 45 companies in Russia and third countries supplying military-related technologies. Of growing concern in Central Asia is the inclusion of several regional financial institutions in the EU's sanctions list. These include the Kazakh branch of Russia’s VTB Bank, Kyrgyz banks Tolubai and Eurasian Savings Bank, and Tajik banks Dushanbe City Bank, Kommertsbank of Tajikistan, and Spitamen. These restrictions are scheduled to take effect between November and December 2025. Both Kyrgyzstan’s President Sadyr Japarov and the nation's Foreign Ministry have publicly expressed dismay over the sanctions, with Japarov urging Western leaders to stop “politicizing the economy.” In his speech at the UN General Assembly in New York in September, Japarov criticized the impact of unilateral sanctions, while the Foreign Ministry has stated that the country adheres to its international obligations and maintains an open dialogue with the EU to prevent risks associated with possible sanctions circumvention. The ministry has proposed launching an independent, internationally recognized audit and forming a joint “Kyrgyzstan-European Union” technical working group to facilitate data exchange, transaction monitoring, and risk assessments. In Kazakhstan, the National Bank downplayed the impact of sanctions against VTB. Deputy Chairman Yerulan Zhamaubayev noted that the bank had already been under nominal restrictions, and handles few transactions. “VTB does not affect the country’s financial stability, and we do not expect serious risks for the economy,” Zhamaubayev stated. However, the latest U.S. sanctions may prove more consequential for Kazakhstan, particularly amid efforts to strengthen bilateral trade with the United States, including through the repeal of the Jackson-Vanik amendment. The U.S. Treasury Department has sanctioned Russian oil majors Rosneft and Lukoil. The latter has deep economic ties with Kazakhstan. Just days before the announcement, on October 14, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev personally attended the 30th anniversary of Lukoil’s operations in Kazakhstan, awarding CEO Vagit Alekperov the Order of Barys, first class. Oil and gas journalist Oleg Chervinsky reported that the joint venture Kalamkas-Khazar Operating LLP, co-owned by Lukoil and KazMunayGas, is directly affected. “Only the Tengiz and CPC projects, which Lukoil operates with American partners, have been exempted from the sanctions,” Chervinsky noted. A final investment decision for Kalamkas-Khazar was expected in December 2025. Yerkanat Abeni, a member of...

Central Asian Borders

The Taliban’s Border Rhetoric: Pashtun Frontiers, Not Central Asian Borders

Two incidents in mid-October reignited debate over Afghanistan’s borders, particularly its long-disputed frontier with Pakistan. On October 18, Mohammad Nabi Omari, Afghanistan’s first deputy minister for interior affairs, suggested that Afghanistan’s “historical lands” now in Pakistan could one day return to Afghan control. The next day, Qatar’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs referred to “ending tensions on the Afghanistan–Pakistan border” in a ceasefire statement, prompting Taliban objections and a quick retraction. These remarks revived a longstanding Afghan grievance: the Durand Line, a frontier drawn in 1893 by the British between Afghanistan and British India. No Afghan government has ever recognized it as an international border, and the Taliban refers to it as an “imaginary line.” The Taliban’s language may alarm some observers who wonder whether such rhetoric could extend beyond Pakistan to Afghanistan’s northern borders with Central Asia. Those frontiers were defined in the 19th century by treaties between the Russian and British empires, with little Afghan involvement. Yet despite the heated language and recent armed clashes with Pakistan, the Taliban’s stance appears more ideological than expansionist. The Durand Agreement of 1893 established the boundary between Afghanistan and British India as a line separating their respective spheres of influence. When Pakistan gained independence in 1947, that line became an international border, recognized by all states except Afghanistan. The 2,600-kilometer frontier divided Pashtun and Baloch communities between two countries, leaving deep resentment that continues to shape tensions in the region. Pashtuns still move relatively freely across this rugged border, which has served as a haven for militants for decades. Afghanistan’s northern borders tell a slightly different story. They were drawn not by Afghan rulers but under the Anglo-Russian Agreement of 1873, which set the Amu Darya River as the boundary between the Russian and British spheres of influence. This arrangement confirmed Afghanistan’s authority over the lands south of the river, including Balkh, Kunduz, and Badakhshan, reinforcing both its territorial control and its legitimacy. In essence, the demarcation of Afghanistan’s northern boundary was a political gain. While the Durand Line came to represent partition and loss, the 1873 agreement brought Afghanistan new territory and legitimacy as a buffer state between the Russian and British empires. The north is largely inhabited by Uzbeks, Tajiks, and Turkmen, with few Pashtuns. This distinction helps explain why the Taliban’s references to “historic lands” focus on the Durand Line rather than Afghanistan’s borders with Central Asian states. Afghanistan’s acting defense minister, Mawlawi Mohammad Yaqoob Mujahid, the son of the Taliban’s late founder Mullah Mohammad Omar, recently reiterated that “[the Durand Line] has never been recognized as an official border, and no agreement has been made on this issue.… This is not a decision any government can make; it is a matter for the people.” Deputy Interior Minister Mohammad Nabi Omari’s call for the “return” of historic lands reflects the same ideological stance: a vision of Pashtun unity shaped by popular will rather than a call for military action or unilateral political moves. The Taliban, a Pashtun-led movement, uses...

Syria

Syrian Government Raid on Foreign Fighters Draws in Uzbek Militants

A Syrian government raid on a compound controlled by French foreign fighters in northern Syria threatened to evolve into a wider conflict after Uzbek Islamist militants arrived to reinforce the French group. The fighting that started on Monday reflects the challenges that Syria’s transitional government faces as it tries to restore stability to the country after the 2024 ouster of former leader Bashar al-Assad and the end of more than a decade of civil war. Outbreaks of sectarian violence have disrupted progress. An additional problem is how to handle foreign fighters who originally arrived in Syria to fight al-Assad’s forces, but have turned down an invitation to join the new government’s military. “The Syrian transitional government appears to be pursuing a low-level effort to target foreign fighters in Syria who have not integrated into the Ministry of Defense,” the Institute for the Study of War, a U.S.-based research group, said in a report on Wednesday. The institute said that Syrian forces targeted a compound run by a group of French militants called Fiqrat al-Ghuraba as well as fighters from the Caucasus in Harem, a city in Idlib province near the border with Türkiye. Fighting broke out and a group of Uzbek foreign fighters deployed to the compound to reinforce the militants, according to the institute. Syrian security forces “previously arrested two prominent Uzbek foreign fighters in August 2025, which has led to increased discontent among Central Asian foreign fighter groups,” it said. Videos purportedly showing ethnic Uzbek fighters arriving in Harem are circulating on social media. An Arabic-language news platform, nabd.com, reported that an Uzbek fighter in one video clip said: “We have gathered in Idlib to support our French brothers." The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, a Britain-based group that tracks events in Syria, said security forces tried to storm the jihadi camp with “light and medium weapons” and that fighting “left several casualties among French migrants and security forces, amid confirmed arrests of French jihadists.” Syrian authorities said they took action this week after the militants in Idlib had kidnapped a girl and committed other “grave violations” against civilians, the state-run Syrian Arab News Agency reported. Uzbek militants previously collaborated with Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, a group that led the rebel push to overthrow al-Assad. Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, or HTS, had al-Qaida roots but later split off and moved to project a more moderate image under leader Ahmed al-Sharaa, now Syria’s president. On Tuesday, Britain removed HTS from its list of terrorist organizations as it seeks to engage the new Syrian government. The United States took a similar step in July. Two mainly ethnic Uzbek groups of foreign fighters in Syria, known by the acronyms KIB and KTJ, retain ties to al-Qaida and the Taliban in Afghanistan, according to an analysis by Kathleen Collins that was published last month by the Combating Terrorism Center at West Point, the U.S. military academy. The two groups “constitute a resilient force of battle-hardened fighters, demonstrating remarkable staying power in Syria,” Collins wrote.